A Defence of Negro Slavery, as it Exists in the United States

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# • ' ■ .1 ■

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'A DEFENCE

o»

:i^EGRO SLAVERY,

•AS IT EXiSTS-W TJiE

•• • ■ ■ o ■

4 «« >

' f. -I

« * •

UNITED STATES.

BY MATTHEW j;STES,

OF COLUMBUS, MISSISSIPPI.

MONTGOMERY •.

TMMSS OF THB ** ALABAJ&A. SOTXIKKM^^^

. 1' ■

/ ■

I

• '■■-'■•.■-

if-

) Eatered'aeeoirdSrig tg. act of Congress, in the jj^fir

1846, by M'AincHElTwSiit^^in the clerk's oilies

t of the Northern 'KslfricVpf Miisissippi*
•. .••*: •"• •- • •• :

9 9 9 m M^ ^ A to

•• ••• • \ •: - : - *

• • • *

PREFACE.

^ * *.

The following pa2^Co.(*iW)rabf. tlie views of the
author upon the. impi^rty^n't 'jrim i^lceply interesting
subject of Slavety.^ j [lii,hi;s,l)f ^,11 induced to pre-
sent them to the'piihric; fr«ih*«a; Conviction of their
truth, and from a desire to contribute something
towards removing the errors that exist in the pub-
lic mind, upon the suSject.

The author has eiiioyed the advantajje of read-
ing most of the works which this fertile theme
has produced ; and he would here tender his ac-
knowledgements of obligation, to several of the
authors, for the as&istance he has received from
them, in the preparation of the following work.
To ex-Governor Hammond, of South-Carolina,
he, in common with the whole South, feels unde#
special obligations, for the great benefit he ha*
derived from the perusal of his very abl<5, ^vt^x*^-
teiesiing letters to Tkomaa CW\sAow,^'e«^ ^<s».

TIU - PB8FA€E« - .

Hammond is one among the very few authorff
who have taken the correct view of Slavery ;* but
as he did not design to embrace a full view of the
subject, the publication of the following work is
still deemed important and necessary.

The author of this work has been cheered and
assisted in his labors, hy^ several distinguished
scientific and literary gentlemen, who kindly con-
descended to furnish facts, hints, and suggestions,
which have been of much service in the prepara-
tion of the work.f

* Th(>^itJi)3P t^*Gjs tli^J^rty/pt'cfHoting from a let- ■

ter to hiihseif,»ff<5m Croverppr , Hammond, the following

• •• •' •• ••*
aentence: • • t •••••: .

"This idea, •tltai •SlaVery [is, so necessary to the
performance of iip^dAidgerj,S(C)'.esciential for the suste-
nance of man?,^ni!Ufi€\ai!>;^fmfe^o(' civilization, is un-
doubtedly the ftmclamental ground on which the reason
of the institution rests."

fThe following is an extract from a long and highly
interesting letter, from Chancellor Quitman, of Missis-
sippi, to the author.

" Monmouth, October 3, 1845.
" Dear Sir :

" Since the receipt of your letter on the subject of your
contemplated work, I have been 60 much indisposed that
I have been obliged to throw aside all business. I am
*" now convalescent, but matters of pressing business have
' accumulated so much upon my hands that I fear it will
be out of my power to throw tosrether some thoughts
on the subject of {Slavery, which have occasiowgAl^

TEe autiiot cannot hope that his work will es*
eape the scathing ordeal of criticism, nor does
fte believe that it is free from imperfections ; but
at the same time, he must be allowed to state his
conviction, that the work embodies many interest-
ing facts and details, which cannot fail to prove
beneficial in the present state of the public mind,
on the subject of Slavery.

Some new ideas have been presented, which
have not been met with in the works of others ;

arisen in my own mind, or to furnish you with some
miscellaneous collections on that subject which are
among my papers some where. I was formerly in the
habit of noting down, at leist references to documents
xjonnected with this interesting subject. For the last
five years that I have been wholly engrossed in the pur-
suit of my profession, 1 have not only neglected this,
but all my papers on general and philosophical subjects
haye become deranged, anj I could not send you any
thing interesting without undergoing the labor which I
am now incapable of; that of arranging my numerous
papers. I sent to yon by last mail, the October number
of the Southern Quarterly Review. I will also refer
you to Professor Dow'rf able casays on this subject some
years ^ since. Dr. Cartwright has promised me to fur-
nis1i yau with his letter.^, to Dr. Winans, and with some
anatomical views on the Megro race. The statistics of
St. Domingo, since the Revoliition would be valuable.
I recollect the result, that t'aoir exports have never
reached what they were while Negro Slavery existed
in.jihe Island. Those especially, that require annnal
labor, as sugar &c., have almost e^(p|^y ceased. The
coffee tree which does not require remo5j«A.> "akr^si ^^a^^
furnished almost their entire au^^t\,^^T\!\ «s^Vk.NiaaX^»A

aiid old ideas have been presented in a fcurnv to '
be* easily compFehended by every reader.

Harsh epithets have been avoided, and the de-
cision of the subject has been placed upon the
ground of reason al(yie. It was not deemed ne-
cessary to appeal to the passions in order to ob-
tain a tiivorable verdict on this subject, as the in-
trinsic merits of the subject itself) when fairly pre-
sented, were thought fully sufficient to convince
every candid inquirer after truth.

diminisliod. It is a remarkable fact tliat for many cen-
turies, the arts and sciencies existed in hioh perfection
on the borders of the iNei-ro race, amoii"- tlie nncient
Egyptians, the Saracens, and even the Etliiopians, yet
they never })enetrated the dark gloom of central and
Southern Alrica. There is no similar phenomenon in
the history of the world.

It is said that the Negro not only differs from other
races in the size of the facial angle, but still more in
the conibrmalion of tl'o thigh joint. A phynician of
New-Orleans, I forget liis name, has published some es-
says nponthe physiology of the Negro race. He holds
that the Mulatto is shorier lived than the Negro or v.hite
man; the Quadroon still shorter; and that a mixed
race of the two would sc^on physically degenerate and
perish away. 1 will not hovvevcr thus hastily add more
upon a subject v/hich deserves more thought.''

INEDEX,

f CHAPTER I. — Slavery among the Jews, H

• CHAPTER H.— Slavery viewed in the

light of Christianity, 30

. CHAPTER in.— The African Race : their
inferiority, and fitness for the condition of
Slavery, 40

-CHAPTER IV.— African Slavery: its

History: Slave Trade, 81

t CHAPTER v.— Advantages of Slavery
as it exists in the Southern States^ of
this Union, -- ;95

. CHAPTER VI.— The Benefits of Slave-

ry, continued : the Master, etc. - - - 142
CHAPTER VII. — Circumstances in the
condition of the Globe, that render Sla-
very necessary, *. - - 172

CHAPTER VIIL — Position of England

in reference to Slavery, ----- 188
CHAPTER IX. — Further remarks on the
policy of England, in connexion with the
Slave Trade, and the Right of Search, - 206

' CHAPTER X. — Emancipation, . . - 220
.CHAPTER XL— Duties o^m^^V^T*, - ^^'^

A DEFENCE OF

NEGRO SLAVERY.

CHAPTER I.

BLAVEKY AMONG THE JEWS.

The existence of Slaveiy among the Ancient
Jews, througliout the entire period of their na-
tional existence, is a &ct which all candid and
intelligent persons will readily admit. Dr. Way-
land, an uncompromising opponent of Slavery,
and one of the most popular moral writers of the
present day, says :

*^1 grant, at once, that the Hebrews held Slaves
from the time of the conquest of Canaan, and
that Abraham and the Patriarchs had held them,
many centuries before. I grant, also, that Moses
enacted laws with special reference to that rela-
tion. Of the nature of these laws, it may be con-
venient to speak shortly. 1 woivieT \)tt»N. ^w-^ ^'^^
should have the hardihood to deiv^ ao ^\a^xv vx wsiX-

14 A DEFENCE v,.

ter of record : I should almost as soon deny the
delivery of the Ten Commandments to Moses."*

Abraham, the great progenitor of the Jewigh
nation, the "Friend of God," and the "Father o£
the Faithful," was an extensive owner of Slaves.
We are enabled to form some estimate of the
number of slaves owned by Abraham, from the
number that he took with him to the field in pur-
suit of the kings who had taken Lot and his fami-
ly, prisoners. In Genesis, (xiv. 14) we are in-
formed that — "When Abram heard that his bro-
ther was taken captive, he armed his trained ser-
vants, born in his own house, three hundred and
eighteen, and pursued them unto Dan." Besides
the servants bom in his house, Abraham owned
others which he had purchased with his money.
In the institution of circumcision, (Gen. xvii.) we
Are iitfonned that Jehovah, (verse 13) told Abra-
ham that "He that is bom in thy house, and he that
is bought with iky money^ must needs be circumcis-
ed," <Stc. Adding to all these a fitir proportion of
women and children, and we are led to the conclu-
sion that Abraham could not have been the owner
of less th^ firom 1,000 to 1,500 slaves. Isaac, the

''' Pomestic Slavery considered as a Scriptural Insti-
tution, in a Correspondence between the Rev. R. Ful-
ler and the Rev. F. Wayland, p. 49.

Isgitiiiiate 80ft aaid bek «f JUirahaix^ was likeiwlM
tan exteftsive owner «f Slayes. Moses, in descii-
bing hiB liciies and iiis p*wer, states that '* lie had
]>os8essiaB of flocks, and possessiom of herds, and
^reat ctere cf servants," dec. Genesis, xxvL
14. Jacob, tfaB son and lielr aT Isaac, was
likewise an extensive Shive-ownec la his at-
tempt to appease the wrath of his brother Esau,
be sesitbioi anftcoouatiof bis^eat ridies; among
which were ^oxen, and asses, flocks, and m^n-
-semmlf , and vmrnen-^enmattSf^^ d^c* Geum zxxiL -S.

It may be proper here, once lor al^ is aotice
the meaning of Ibe word '* Seivasit." All com-
xnentaton agree that the word ^* Servant," signi-
fies a iSi«oe* **The word datiZos," says Dr. Clabk,
*^whiAwetnaiiBhtt^0€n)aat^mefak8ASlavej one
who is the entire property of ihis anastftr.^

Calmet, under the bead ^^SeFvant,"^ says::

*'TMs word in Beriptiwe, ^neimllj signifies a
Slave; becawse, amoi^ tba Hebrews, and the
neighboring nations, the greater part of the ser-
vants were such, belonging absolutely to their
masters, iwho bad a right to dispose of their per-
sons, goods, and, in some eases, creni of their
Jives.'^

Afler ages €f servitude, "Sie most abject, m the

land of Egypt, the Jews, through -tbe omnipotent

power of Jehovahi were deliveii^ ixosuVsn^^a^^^

knd restored to tlie land which had been premis*
ed to their firtheiv. Thej found the land in the
possession of serend tribes of HeaAens } mosC
of whofflf according to DiTine direction, thej slew*
One of these tribes^ the Gibeonites, were redu«^
ced to a state of perpetual tfervitiide. In the 9th
chapter of Joshua, we hare an account of the rea-
son Vfhj the Gibeonites Were Ireated di^rently
from the other tribes* Thej succeeded in obtain •
ing a peace fh>nt Joc^oa, on fiilse pretences;
which, when detected, was considered a sufficient
justification of the course which was pursued to-
wards them : that is, in reducing them to a state
of perpetual bondage*

Slarerjr continued throughout the entii^ nation-
al existence of the Jews. Some of the most pious
and distinguished among them, as David, Solomon,
&;c., were extensive Slave-owners. Even the
priests, according to the Jewish law, were allow,
ed to hold Slaves. In Leviticus (xxii. 10-11) it
is said that-—

"A sojourner o£ the priest, or a hired servant,
shall not eat of the holy thing. But if the priest
buy any soul with his money, he shall eat of it ;
and he that is bom in his house, they shall eat of
his meat."

When our Saviour was upon Earth, Slavery
existed not only m Judea, but throughout the

IISCnM) SLAVXXT* 17

world. In Maithew {viii. 5-13) we have an ac*
count of a miiacle perfonned by the Saviour, in
healing tke servant of a Roman eeoturion. The
senrant was afflicted with palsy, and of course
was entirely us^ess to his maslBr. The Sariour
healed him — thus r^rtoring him to usefulness*---
but in doio^ so, never uttered a woid against the
institution of Slavery*

There were two dkasses of Slaves among thiB
Jews:—

L The perpetual bondmen. These were ob-
tained mostly firom the Heathen nations living in
the vicinity of Canaan. Persons might become
perpetual bondmen from — Ist: Sale bj their
Heathen masters. *' Both thy bond-men, and thy
bond-maids, which thou shalt have, shall be of the
Heathen that are round about jou: of them shall
ye buy bond-men, and bond-maids." Leviticus,
XXV. 44. 2d: The Jews were allowed to pur-
chase Slaves of the stran^^rs that dwek among
them. ^Moreover, of the childreii of the stran-
gers that do sojourn among you, of them shall ye
buy, and of dkeir figiiilies that are with you,
which thej begat in your land; aad they shall be
your possession.^ LeiHicus, xxv. 45. dd: The
children of perpetual bondmen, like their parents,

wff3 Slave0 for Jifi^ 4tk; TVtf^ tox ^^^ft^Kfl^

1^ A tfzrsTffcis or

Slaves sMDng the Jews, Tftsre tim Giheonhem^
who were made ststA ander the emmnistances al^
teady inefltioAedr 5th : Under certain circani<^
tftanees^ a Hebrew SRare might become a perpetw
aid fM)iid^«man. It wa» in cases where a Hebrew
servant had married and had chiMren by a servant
maid of hii^masterV; and wher, on account of his
wife and cMldreiiy refb^ed to> leapve after the expi*
fation^ oT his term of service* In such cases —
*^Theiif lis master shall bring him toito the judges ;:
Ke shall Ikls9 brin^ him to tkc doer, or unto the
door^^est; andhis master shall bore his ear through
with an awl; and he shall serve him forever.'^
Exodus^ xxi. 6^

ir# Hebrew Slaves whose terms of Slavery-
were limhed, ki so ease ceuld it exceed six years^
Every seventh, which was the Siabbatical year,,
&is class of servants were Eberated. One who
had been put in fflavery the first year after the
Sabbatical year, woidd have to serve six p^ars*
Oner whose term of servitude commenced the see^
ond, wotdd have to serve five years, &c- If they
were sold tfie fifth year, they coold be made to
serve one year only. Accoixfiiig to Camlet —

"A Hebrew might falT into Slavery several
ways : (1) If recraced to extreme poverty, he
Mught sell himself Lev. xxv. 39. (2> A ikth»r

raOSO «LAVERT. 19

might sell his children as Slaves. Exod. xxi. 7.
(3) Insolvent debtors might be delivered to their
creditors as Slaves. 2 Kings, iv. 1. (4) Thieves
not able to make restitution for their thefts, or the
value, were sold for the benefit of the sufferers.
Exod. xxii. 3. (5) They might be taken prison-
ers in war. (6) They might be stolen, and af-
terwards sold for Slaves, as Joseph was sold by
his brethren. (7) A Hebrew Slave redeemed
from a Gentile by one of his brethren, might be
sold by him to another Israelite." — [Robinson's
Calmet Anti-Slavery,

The Hebrew Master had the same right to his
Slave, that he had to his lands, his houses, his
horses, or to any other species of property : con-
sequently, he could buy, sell, or bequeath his
Slaves, or dispose of them in any way that ho
could any other kind of property. The following
passages of Scripture clearly sustain this position :

**If a man smite his servant or his maid with a
rod, and he die under his hand, he shall be surely
punished. Notwithstanding, if he continue a day
or two, he shall not be punished; for he is his
money." Exod. xx. 20-21.

In this passage, the right of property Is clearly
recognized, connected of course with all the rights
belonging to the right of property. The right to
dispose of Slaves is clearly implied in the follow*
ing passage;

20 A DEFSNCS OV

'^Thou shall not make merchuidiBe of her, be-
cause thou hast humbled her.** Dieut, xxL 14.

But the following passage 10 still more explicit :

*' And if a man sell his daughter to be a OEiaid.
ser\'ant, she shall not go out as the men-servants
do," dz;c, Exod. xxi. 7.

It appears likewise from the above passages, that
a Hebrew had not only the right to sell and buj
Slaves, but to punish them, if necessary, in the
exercise of his authority. Even if the punish-
ment should result in the death of the Slave, the
Master is not punished in the event that the Slave
should sunrive the punishment a few days; and
the reason for this exemption is, that the Slave is
his master's " money."

Laws were specially enacted to secure the Mas-
ter in the right of his Slave. In Exod. xx. 17, it
is said, "Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's
house : thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's 'wik :
nor his man-servant, nor his maid-servant," d^c.
In the same chapter, verse 16, it is said : ^ And
he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he
be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to
death."

The opponents of Slavery have endeavored to
use this passage against the right to hold Slaves,
but they have certainly taken a fitlse \iew of its

SBGRO SLAVERY* 21

design. No inatitution, clearly sanctioned by Di-
vine authority* contains within itself the princi*.
pies of its own destruction. Slavery is clearly eg.
tablished in the Old Testament — it met the Di«
vine sanction — we cannot, therefore, suppose that
it is wrong, or that it contains princij^s which
would have led to its destruction.

The passage under consideration was evidently
designed to protect the Master in his right to this
species of property. It was similar to the laws of
the Southern States, which denounce a heavy pun-
ishment on those who entice away Slaves from
their rightful owners.

The benefits of Slavery among the Jews may
be enumerated as follows : The Slave^ the Mas*
tery the Country^ and the Worlds were all benefit,
ed by this institution.

I. The Slave. — Of all the parties concerned,
the Slave probably received the most important
benefits :

1st. He was benefited in a moral and religums
point of view. As be&re shown, most of the
perpetual bond-men among the Jews were pur*
chased of the Heathen nations round about ; and
of the moral and religious condition of these, we
have a striking picture drawn m Leviticus, chap-
ters xviiL and xx. These people v^eie ^S^^ ^

22 A DEFENCB OF

every species of wickedness which the mind can
conceive. From idolatry to the lowest and most fil-
thy crimes, they indulged without restraint. From
this state of moral pollution, without a ray of light
to guide their footsteps, they were transferred to
the ownership of God's chosen people, under the
immediate direction and control of Jehovah him-
self. From the ownership of Masters ignorant,
degraded, and utterly blind in a moral sense,
they were placed under the guidance of Masters
whose minds and hearts were enlightened and
mellowed by true religion, and who x^^alked daily
in accordance with the statutes of Heaven.

Slaves among the Jews were admitted to all
the rights and privileges of the Jewish Church,
Slaves were admitted to the right of circurhcision
when it was first instituted. See Gen. xvii. 13,
which has already been quoted. In a word, they
were admitted to all the privileges of the Church
as any other individuals. Hence it is manifest,
that the perpetual Slave among the Jews was
greatly benefited, in a moral and religious point
of view.

2d. He was benefited politically, as well as mo-
rally and religiously. Political and domestic Sla-
very, the most abject, existed among the Heathen
trihea round about Canaan. Bein<r uncontrolled

KK6B0 tXJLTWKtm tt

hj religions or moral principle, and being ignore
ant and degraded in intellect, the presumption i*,
that the Hearthen Masters and Rtders goTemed
with the most rigorous severitj. Such is the case
the worid over, under similar circomstances. Pla-
ced under the authority and control of the Hebrew
Master, the Heathen ^are waa transferred from
a state of political and domestic tyranny, to a state
of comparatire freedonk He was under the con-
trol of a moral, religious, and enlightened Master,
instead of one ignorant and degraded, and utterly
corrupt and debased in hi« moral and religious
feelings* There were some laws, likewise, spe-
cially enacted for the benefit of the j^ave. It
was contrary to law, as laid down in the Ten
Commandments, for a man to exact labor from
his Slaves on the Sabbath day. Exod. xx. 10.
There are several enactments designed to protect
the Slave from harsh and imneeesMiry cruelty on
the part e€ the Master. In Bxod. xxi. 20, it is
laid down that — "If a man smite his servant, or
his maid, with a rod, and he die under his hand,
he shall be surely punished." In the 26th and
27th verses of the same chapter it is laid down
that — **If a man smite the eye of his servant, or
the eye of his maid that it perish, he shall let him.
go free for hia eye sake* And VL \kfe wss&a «S5^

S4 ▲ DSFSNGS OF

his man-serrant's tooth, or his roaid-servant'a toothy
he shall let him go firee for his tooth's aake."

Here self-interest, one of the strongest princi-
ples of our nature, is brought in aid of moial and
religious principle, to secure just and humane
treatment to the Slave. The wisdom of the Di-
vine legislation is, in no instance, more clearly
manifest than in this particular instance, in refer-
ence to the treatment of Slaves. It would have
been utterly impossible to have adopted any other
measure which would have so completely secured
the Slave from ill-treatment on the part of the
Master.

3d. The Slave was fiirther benefited, in being
trained to habits of industry, and being made fe-
miliar with the arts of civilization. It is a re-
markable feet, that a savage man never volunta-
rily betakes himself to regular habits of industry^
Hence, all nations which have passed from sav-
age to civilized life, have been compelled to pass
through the crucible of Slavery. To educate and
train a wild animal, you must first catch him, and
reduce him to a state of strict subjection : so like*
wise with a savage— * he must be reduced to sub-
jection, and then by authority forced to regular
habits of industry.

When we come to speak of the advanta^s of

Southern Slavery, this milgect will be treated in
extenso*

II. The Mastek.-— The Hebrew Master was
likewise benefited by the institution of Slavery :

1st* It afforded him leisure time for the culti«
vation of his intellectual and moral powers. A
man who is daily engaged in a certain kind of hard
drudgery, cannot possibly devote much time to the
Cultivation of his mental powers. We state it as
a feet, which is confirmed by the whole history of
mankind**— that there is a certain kind of hard
drudgery which is totally incompatible with any
high degree of mental improvement. We do not
mean to assert that all labor is unfriendly to mental
improvement^— fer from it: for a certain amount
of certain kinds of labor, is highly fevorable to
mental improvement. I wish to be understood
only as expressing a feet which all history proves :
that some labor— the hardest— that which is
commonly performed by Slaves, is totally incom-
patible with mental improvement ; at least to any
great extent.

For a long time afler the Israelites settled in
the land of Canaan, much hard drudgery was
necessary. The forests had to be felled— the
earth brought into a state of cultivation — cities,
towns, viUages, and private dweWmga W^lw^ ^"^^

26 ▲ DSFB5CX or

improvecL Inplemeiits of agriculture and me*
chanical tools were to be constructed, and all oth-
er kinds of labor which was necessary in a new
countiy, and in a new stale of society. If the
Israelite Master had been compelled to perfi>mi
all this drudgery, his whole time would have been
90 occupied as to have precluded the possibility of
mental improvement. Having the benefit of
Slaves, he could devote a portion of his time to
the improvement of his mind; and thus the nation
was placed in a state of mental progress.

2d. The Master not only had more leisure for
mental improvement, but the tone of his moral
and religious sentiments was increased. Having
more leisure, he devoted more time to religious
devotion : hence his patriotism, and the whole cir-
cle of moral virtues were improved.

UI. Thb Nation. — ^There were some benefits
resulting from the institution of Slavery among
the Jews, which can be best treated under this
head:

Ist National wealth was increased. Physical
power alone — that is, without the guidance of
cultivated intellect-^ is never profitably direcled.
We have a striking example of this at present,
in the condition of Africa. The African popular
tion is estimated at sixiy millions : nothwithstand-

NSORO 8LA.VSBT. 27

ing, the arts of civilization are totally unknown
among them — the whole o£ this vast physical
power is inert, and consequently inefficient. Nei«
ther would cultivated intellect alone be productive
of any important results : it requires the union of
the two to produce great results. When great
physical power is placed under the guidance and
control of intellect, then docs national wealth rap*
idly accumulate, and all the arts of civilization
move forward with accelei-ated pace. It is on the
principle of division of labor. All know the great
results accomplished by this division in the sever-
al mechanical arts : the same benefits result from
it in other departments of industry. As before
remarked, there is a certain kind of hard drudge-
ry, which is totally incompatible with any high
degree of mental culture ; but this labor is neces-
sary, and of course must be performed by some
one. In some countries, and states of society,
this labor may be performed by persons who are,
at best, nominally free ; but in others, the condi-
tion of Slavery is necessary to its efficient perfor-
mance. Such was the case among the Jews;
otherwise the relation between Master and Ser-
vant would never have been sanctioned by the
Divine Being.
8d. National intelligence was TptotivoXa^ \\5kfc^^

'i8 A Dsrs!«ci or

not labor thig point What I have already gaid,
when speaking of the benefits of the institution of
Slavery to Masters, will suffice.

3d. Slavery increased the strength of the nation
in a military point of \iew. Whatever increascv
the intelligence and wealth of a nation, must in
that proportion increase its capacity for military
defence. Besides this, the institution of Slavery,
among the Jews, enabled the Jewish Master to
devote more of his time to military exercise and
training than would otherwise have been possible.
He became more familiar with military weapons,
than individuals who are constantly engaged in
hard labor.

The habit of control, likewise, created in the
Jewish Master a more indomitable spirit ; a spir*
it of higher mould ; one that would be less likely
to yield in case of resistance. I conclude then
that the institution of Slavery greatly increased the
strength of the Jewish nation in a military sense.
I deem it totally unnecessary to notice the several
objections which have been urged against the in-
stitution of Slavery, as it existed among the Jews.
The institution certainly existed among them, and
that too, under the Divine sanction. Laws were
even enacted for the regulation of this institution,
long before a Slave was OAATiod \)y ;jl ^vw^l^ l«t^<i,U

ifc. The l*en Commandments were given oh
Mount Sinai fifty days after the first Jewish Pass-
over, andTreftrly forty years before the Israelites
took possession of the land of Can)i!^. In thesb
Ten Commandments are two distinct references to
the institution of Slavery ; the one designed for
the benefit of the Slave, the other for the Master.
I take for granted, that whktever~God sanctions,
or permits, is best under the circumstances, though
it may be otherwise under dififerent circumstances.
The sanction of Slavery in the Jewish state, proves
that it Was beneficial and proper under the cir-
cumstances -then and there existing ; but it does
not prove that it would be equally beneficial and
proper unddr a •dififerent set of circumstances. It
■may be true 'that Slavery would be highly injuri-
ous among our Northern brethrch'; TiJut this docs
not prove that it would be equally so at the South.

God never has, undet'aify dispensation of reli-
gion, created, abolished, or in any material man-
ner interfered With^ke relations among men. He
has always Te&pected existing rshitions; laying
down rules for their government: that is, all law-
fill relations*— for God never has laid down rules
for the government of a sinfiil relation. '

Institutions must vary with circ\uDstoxi£.^<&-*-

Tftate ofcivilmUionf conditioxi of 4\ie-covHQtorf, ^^tfc*
3

M > •■niroK M

Whatever promotes the highest good of aocietj^
preMnt utd &Aure, nuist, and does meet the DiviiM
approbation. This subject will be treated of nuwtt-
at length; in the oexft chafter..

CHAPTER ir.

■&AVBBY VIBWBD I» THE LIGHT OF CHSISTIA^flTT..

WoEtr Jesus Chkist appeared ia the world*
b» found one haJ£ of th» human fiunil/ in bond-
age to the other. The Roman Empire, which at
that tita& encircled within its vast arms the great-
er portion pf the cii-ilizcd world, was literally filled
with SlavStfi'^This institution existed in ererj
part of the tj^^e ; and in a fona infinilelj' more
revolting tiflH^jtbing known in. the Southern
Slates of.thi^cplifederacy.

Pftstila^tfMf war, of the same color of ibeir
captors, ap^mbracing niun, women and children
— somtrttie mnet elevated and refined — were sold-
iato f^potuaX ISlavery. Cwuilhui i.hA dictahtc—

HMTXO BLAYXSt. 91

one of the most accomplished generals- of'hiis age
— »sold his Hetrusian captives to pay tlie Roman:
ladies for the jewels which they had presented to
Apollo. Fabius, the most cautious, prudent, anch
Miccessfid of the Roman generals, he who by his.
cautious policy, vanquished the all-conquering
Hannibal — subdued Tarentum, and sold thirty
thousand of its inhabitants to the highest bidder
at public auction, int^^ perpetual Slavery.. Julius*
Caesar sold at one time fifty-three thousand cap-
lives into perpetual bondage*^

Slavery in Rome was not confined- to captives
takeui in war ; for, according to one of the laws
of the Twelve- Tables, creditors were allowed to
seize their insolvent debtors, and keep them in tt
itote of servitude, until, by their services and la-
bor, the amount of their indebtedness was dis-
charged. At'thc beginning of the commonwealth
Ihey were allowed to sell such debtors^.and eveiL
to put them to death.

Some of the wealthy Romans owned an almost
incredible number of Slaves. Caius CaecUius Isa-
dorus, who died about seven years before the
Christian era, left his heir four thousand one hun*^
dred and sixteen slaves;.

Slavery continued throughout the ¥U>iiv«.Tk^xsu^
pire, embracing /udea, Greece, Aaisl-^Vhot, «n^

3d ▲ DEVB2rcs or

all other countries over which -the Romaois heM
sway, for a long time after Constantine made
Christianity the religion of the nation. Several
of the Emperors issued edicts designed to dimin»
ish the power of the Master over ^e -Slave ; but
even afler this, the Master's po^ver continued 'ex-
ceedingly despotic.

Slaves were publicly sold in the Slave Markets
of Ephesus, Athens, Rome, and other places; And
the power of the Master there over the Slave was
much greater than it is in the United States. For
several ages My thousand Slaves were kepi at
work in the mines of Italy.

These facts were fully known to Christ and
his Apostles, And to all the early Christians ; still
we do not find in the New Testament a solitary
word condemnatory of the mstitntion of Slavery^
All abuses of the institution of course are con-
demned; but against Slavery itself, there cannol
be found a single word of condemnation, from one
end of the New Testament to the other. Vices
of all kinds are condemned in the most unmeas-
ured terms — vices Ihat belonged to every rank
and grade of society — the condemnation of which
aroused against Christ and his Apostles the most
bitter hatred — but not. a solitary word can any
where be found againaEt BUyet^* ^^Va^ U th^^

mCSO SLAYEBT. 99

eause of this omission? Prudence, it has been
said by Dr. Channing, and other opponents of
Slavery; excessive caution led the Saviour and
iiis Apostles to omit saying anything against Sla-
ver}'. I will call atfention to these objections
more particularly hereafter ; at present, I wish to
give the Ncw^ Testament teaching on the subject
of Slavery.

It is evident from the- Apostolic epistles, that jn
all the early Churches there were numbers of
I)otli Masters and Servants : nevertheless, as be-
foi-e observed, we find not a woixi condemnatory
of the institutioAi In several of the epistles, w(?
find ample directions given for the guidance of
Maste^s^ and' Sen^ants in their conduct towards
each other.

Fn Ephesians (Vi; 5-9) we have the following :

"SsFvants, [Bondmen, or Slaves] be obedient
to them that are your Masters according to the
flesh, with fear and trembling, in singleness of
your heart, as unto Christ. Not with eye-service
as nsen pleases; but as the servants of Cuhist^.
doing the will of God from the heart.. With good
will doing service as to the Lobd, and not to men ;
Itnowing that whatsoever good thing any man
doeth, the same shall he recei^>e of the Lobi>,
whether he be bond or free^ And ye Masters,
io the same things unto them^ foTbeatm!^ ^(^Kse;^
ealmg; knowing thmX fOUK M.«biteY ^^^ v^ '^i^

14 ▲ DBFSircai 6V

Heaven; neither is there respect of persons withf
him."

In CoIIossians (iii. 22-25<«-iv. 1) we have the

following very similar instructions :

" Servants, obey in all things your Masters ac«
cording to the flesn ; not with eye-service as men
pleasers; but in singleness of your heart, fearing
<xOD : and whatever you do, do it heartily, as to
the Lord, and not to men, knowing that of the
LoBD you shall receive the reward of the inherit-
ance; for ye serve the Lord Christ. But he
that doeth wrong shall receive for the wrong that
he hath done, and there is no respect of persons*
Masters, give to your servants that which is just
and equal, knowing that yon also have a Master
in Heaven."

In 1 Timothy (vi. 1-2) the Apostle gives the

following instructions :

^^ Let as many Servants as are under the yoke
count their own Masters worthy of all honor, that
the name of God and his doctrine be not blasphe-
med. And they that have believing Masters, let
them not despise them, because they are brethren^
rather do them service, because they are faithfm
and beloved partakers of the benefit."

In Titus (ii. 9-10) the Apostle says :

" Exhort Servants to be obedient to their own
Masters, and to please them well in all things ;
not answering again ; not purloining, but show-
ing all good fidelity, that they may adorn the doe-
ime of God our Savio!^ m cditibdsD^J'

Vte&wb ULATttLt. 96

{n 1 Peter <iL 18^20) we flttd ^e fbllowing^

'* Servants, be subject to your Ma^fters t(rith all
ifear; not only to the good hnd genye, but also to
the froward. For this is Acceptable, if any man
for conscience towards God endiiure grie^ snSfering
wrongfully ; this is acceptable to God."

In giying these instructions to Masters and Ser-
vants, the ApostJes had partly in view the correc-
tion of an error which was very industriously cir-
^culated, for selfish purposes, by a class of teach-
*ers who professed the Christian religion. These
teachers maintained in all the Churches, that obc-
«dience to the law of Moses was essential to sal-
vation; and as this law (Exod. xxi. 2) allowed
no Israelite to be made a Slave for life without
his consent, so under the Gospel^^ according to
their view of it^— Slaves could not be lawfully
held in perpetual bondage, without their consent.

Dr. James McKnight, the most learned com-
mentator who has written on the epistles, panu
phrases the four first verses of the sixth chapter
*of Timothy, as follows :

'^Let whatever Christian Slaves, as are under
the yoke of unbelievers, pay their own Masters
«I1 respect and obedience, that the character of
God whom we worship may not be calumniated,
«nd the doctrine of the Gospel may not \^ ^^
«lpoken o£ u$ tending to destroy tike ^'\^\c^Tv^ds>^

9& J^ DEF£ftX£ OF-

of mankinds And those Christian Slaves who
have believing Masters, let them not despise them,
ftmcying that they are their equals, because thejr
are their Tjrothren in CiihipT'; for though all Chris-
tians are equal as to religious privileges, Slaves
are inferior to their Masters in station. Where-
fore let them serve their Masters more diligently,
because they who enjoy the benefit of their ser-
vice are believers, and beloved of God* Thes«\
things teach and exhort the brethren to practice
them. If any one teach differently, by affirming,
that under the Gospel, Slaves are not bound to
serve their Masters, but ought to be made free^
and does not submit to the wholesome command^
ments which are ouv Lord Jesus Christ's, and
to the doctrine of the Gospel, which in all points
iri conformable to true morality — he is puffed up
with pride, and knoweth nothing either of the
Jewish or of the Christian- revelation, although
he pretends to have great knowledge of both ; but
i$ distempered in his mind about idle questions and
debates of words, which afford no foundation for
such a doctrine, but are the source of envy, con-
tention, evil-speaking, unjust suspiwone that thd
truth is not sincerely maintained."

Such pretenders to a knowledge of Christianity
did not die with the first age of the Church ; they
have existed ever sinecj and are found now in
great numbers in different parts of the United
States. They maintain with the same zeal that
tiiB Abe teachers did anciently^ thait. Slayery U

31S6RO gijAnrsBT. 37

^posed'to the Gospel; and of course, in tiieir
estimation, it is a high crime for one human beings
under any circumstances, to hold another in bond^
age. To all such I would say, in the language
of the Apostle, that — "He is proudj knowing
nothings but doting about questions and strifes of
icords^ whereof cometh- envt^i strife, railings, evil
svrmises,^^ Jfc»

The opponents of Slavery have resorted to a
very ingenious method of getting clear of the
Scripture argument on this subject. They sup-
pose that. Christ and his Apostles saw the evil
of Slaver}', and greatly deplored the existence of
the institution ; but as it Avas thoroughly interwo-
ven with the whole fabric of civil society, it was
thought best, through motives of prudence, not to
attack it directly, but to lay down broad, general
principles of morale, which, in the course of ages,
would lead to its extinction :-

"But Slavery," says Dr. Channiko, "was then
so inwoven into the institutions of society' — tho
dangers and horrors of a civil war were so great
—the consequences of a proclamation of univers
sal liberty would have been so terrible — the per*
Us to the caus^ of Christianity, had it been so.
taught, would have been so inuninent — and the
motives for manifesting Christianity at its births
d&jLspintof uabounded«l3Q#ekaeBa «.xl^\c>^^ ^%^»

48 ' A OSPBKCB Ot

SO urgent— thai the Apostles inculcated on thd
"Slaves an obedience firee firom every taint of dis-
fioneilty, wrath, or t€?venge." — VJianning^s Duty
«f Oe Free SUOes-^^ri 11. pp. 44, 45.

In proof that CHBisT'and his Apostles were gov-
erned by motives of prudence in not directly a9«>
«ailing particular evils, it is mentioned that in no
part of the New-Testament do we find a single
^ord of condemnation of the very Worst forms of
civil gcyvemment. On the contrary, strict obedi^
ence to the most despotic forms x)f ch'il govern-
ment is insisted upon, in several parts of the New
Testamefnt. The Apostle Paul, in writing to the
CJhurch at Rome, at Ae time that Nero — the
bloodiest of tyrants — filled the imperial chair, in-
sists upon obedience to civil government in the
following language-;

" Let every soul be subject unto the higher pow*
■ers. For there is no power but of God: the
powers that be are ordained of God." Rom. xiii. 4.

Not ihe slightest difficulty exists on this subject.
The language of Paul can be easily explained^
and the objection suggested by Dr. . C«ANNiNe,
presents not the slightest difficulty*
^ The relations existing between individuals in
focicty, are of two kinds*:

I. Natural Relations.— Sucbi for instance,

KBGBO BLAVSKT. 30

m^ exist beO^een husband and wife, and pareiyt
and child. As those relations are natural, they
are not affected bj time, iir circumstances^ but
are always, and universally the same.

11. Tbmpohary, or Factitious Relatioxs.^^
"Such as exist between Sovereign and Subject—
Master and Servant, ^c* As these relations do
not constitute a necessary part of the order of na-
ture, they are destructible ; and may be, and haVe
often been destroyed. But during their existence
they are just as necessary and important, as the
permanent, natural relations, themselves. Gov«.
emments, and institutions of all kinds, must vary
M'ith the varying condition of society — the inteU
Icctual and moral condition of the people-^-^tho
|)hysical state • of the x^otmtry, dec. The institu^
tions of one age and nation, will not suit the peo^
pie of a different age and nation : even the same
nation, at difiercnt periods, requires very different
institutions. Thus, during the earlier, more viiw
tuous, and more vigorous periods of the Roman
jSn^ire, the people were prepared for self-govern-
ment; but towards its close, when deep corrup-
tion had seized upon the body poHtic, a different
form of government was necessary. The people
were no longer prepared Ga ifelf-govemment^ an
Emperor, with his legions ofaxmib^Txi^'c^^^^'fi^^

40 A DsvxNCE or^

eessafy, to keep them in subjection tb legal aiP>
tfaority.

In making these remarks, I wish to impress up^
on the mind of the reader the fact, that the Roman
government, at the time that St. Paul wrote his
letter to the Roman Church, was the verj- best
possible fomr of government for the Roman peo-
ple. It was not the best conceivable government
for all people, but it was the best under the circum.
stances ; and was therefore a government strictly
in accordance with the Divine will-, for whatever
form of government promotes the ^^grcaiest good
V rf the greatest numboTtf^^ must be in accordance
with the will of Heaven.

In like manner the institution of Slavery, though
not the very bost possible state of society for all
)>eople, and for all times, is much the best under
particular circumstances; the happiness of the
mass is promoted by it: it must therefore be in
accordance with the Divine will — for. all the ar.»
rangements of the Divine Beings as revealed in
Nature and Revelation, are designed to promote
the "greatest good of the greatest number." The
advantages of Slavery as it. e^dsts here, will be
examined hereafter.

I design, in a subsequent chapter, to examine
Ihe question whether Slavery is ever likely to

IfXGBO tftAYERT. %1

eaase : and the conclusioiit I think, will be reach-
ed, that a period may arrive, in the distant fhture,
when it will no longer be necessaiy. That peri-
od, however, is. yet very distant ; many revolutions
•in the physical state of the globe must occur be-
fore its arrival.

In proving that -the Jftoman goEvemsient "was
the best form^of government for the Roman peo-
ple, at the time that Paul wrote his letter to the
Koman Church, we take from our opponents mie
of their strongest arguments. The instructions
given by the Apostles to dbey civil rulers, without
any word of condemnation of the worA forms of
civil government, .le adduced as ^roof that the
Apostles were governed by motives of prudence
in some instances, and might, therefore be, in re«
ference to Slavery.

JBut let us see whether the Savlour:and his Apes^
ties were governed by motives of prudence in re-
ference to vice and crime generally : So far was
this from l)^g the case, that on all occasions, and
under all proper idroumstances, they attacked viee
•and crimes of all kinds with dauntless intrepidity.
Idolatry, though constituting (as it were) the very
basis of society, was not spared, under the most .
trying circumstances. In the foce of an inforiaL-
ied.mohf it was assailed-— tkovL^ ^X.^^ ^t\ «»^

43 ▲ Dxnurcs ot

life it8el£ Even in the midst of t&e
Areopagus, the Apostle Paul could tell the leanuMl
Senators, Judges, and Philosophers, bj whom he
was surrounded, that — **/ perceive in aU things
y^are toa superstitious.^^ As an evidence of their
superstition, he mentions — that in passing aleng^
he met with an altar with the inscription, **Ta
the Unknown God." '' Him," says the Apostle,
'^whem you- ignorantly worship, declare I unto
you." Does this savour of time-serving,, or over-
wrought prudence ? How could the Apostle write
that he had ''not failed to declare the whole coun>
sel of God," if he failed to declare the full, naked
truth, upon the subject of Slavery? We know
tiiat the Apostles, and their greatt Master, attack-
ed every form of vice, and by name : we cannot,
therefore, think that anything has been neglected.
Perils of all kinds were encountered for the truth.
The Apostle Paul says :

"Of the Jews, five times received F forty stripes
save one. Thrice was £[ beaten with rods, once
was I stoned, thrice I suffered shipwreck, a night
and a day I have been in the deep. In journey,
ings often, in perils of waters, in perils of robbers,
in perils by mine own countrymen, in perils bjr
the Heathen, in perils in the wilderness, in perils
in the sea, in perils among false brethren. In wea-
riness and painiiilness, in watchm^ft q^y^ vol hsui^

ger and thirst, In fittings often, in cold and naked*
ness/' 2 Cor. xi. 24-2T.

Never did the Apostles, in a sibgle instance, het-
late a single moment, to declare the whole truth,
upon all subjectsy even in tite very fitce of the
wost potent of earth's rcders. The presence of
kings, rulers, high priests, and the most learned,
philosophers, did not intimidate -^^ but regardless
of consequences, the whole counsel of God waa
declared^ The assumption, then, that they fidled
to attack Slavery on the groundfl of prudence, is-
wholly gratuitous.

But again : if Chsist and his Apostles had
been opposed to the institution, but fix)m motives
of prudence did not wish to attack it directly, they
could very easily have stated tibeir opposition, and
at the same time have given reasons why it would
be important at that time to let it alone. Thi»
course would have deared up all doubt, and at the
same time have led to no mischievous practical
result.

In a word, I regard Slavery as a civil institu*
tion that Christianity had not the slightest agency
in creating^ The province of Christianity is to
remove the evils growing out of the several rela-
tions of society, and not to create or abolish them.
I re^jfaid the relation betweem M&sXei %afl\.^«r«vB^

44 31 DxrvHOi Of

as not sinfiil in the present or past state of tin
world, but greatly condach^e-to'the good of man-
kind. Whether Sktveiy wiU ever cease, will de-
pend upon 'changes in this -pbysicar state of 'the
globe, of which L shall speak hereafteF.

This^subject has not been fully ^comprehended
by wnteJ« : their views have not 'been harmonK
ous, and but few of them have clearly compre*.
Jiended the:grotmd*apon *whi(^ to base the defence
of Slavery.

Before closing this chapter, it will be propet to
notice an argument which is frequently used
against SlaVeiy. It is acknowledged that the
New Testament contains nothing directly against
<Slave^^ but <at the same thne it is maintained
that there ^are certain -broad pi^ciples of morals
contained in the Ncfw Testam^it liiat are directly
opposed to Sla^very. Thus, for ^stanoe, it is said
that the great rule denominated the Chlden Mule^
is directly opposed to the institutfcfn of Slaveiy*
We find this rule laid down in Matthew vii. 13,
and in Luke ^i. «dl. I will cfuote both 'with the
context, in order that we may have a clear knowl.
edge of the Sa^oin-'s imeaning; for he (cettainfy
had a particular mesmii^g, 'as I shall most conclu>-
sively show. I will begin with Matthew, aii4i
.quote Bram the seventh to the twelfiik vet^e^

'''Ask)" says the Saviour, ''aiid it ghall foe giT-
<cn you ; seek, and ye shall find ; knock, and it
shall be opened unto you : For eveir one that
asketh, receiveth ; and he that seeketh, findeth ^
and to him that knocketh, it shall foe opened. Or
what man is there of you, whom if his son ask
foread, will he give him a stone ? Or if he ask a
fish, will he give him a serpent 1 If ye then, be-
ing evil, know how to give good gifts unto your
•children, how much more shall your Father which
is in Heaven give good things to them that ask
him ? Therefore all things whatsoever ye would
that men should do to you, do ye even so to them ;
for this. is the law and the prqphets«^

In verses seven and eight, the Saviour extols
the Divine benevolence in foestowing good gifts
upon all that ask him aright. He has particular
reference to the estafolishment of the Christian
Church, which he tells them to pray for and seek;^
«fler, with -an assurance that whatever they asked
for would foe foestowed upon them. But lest some
of his auditors should entertain doubts in reference
to the Divine benevolence, he told them that even
human beings bestowed good gifts under certain
circumstances. If a child should ask a parent
for a fish, or for bread, he would not give a ser-
pent or a stone. This being so — that is, as hu-
man beings, who are evil, know how to give good

gifts — how much more our FaXViet '^Xsm^x^Nxv
4

^ A DSFENCB 07

Heaven, gives good things to them that ask faim? '
Next comes the golden rule as * conclusion :

"Therefore all things whatsoever ye would'
that men should do to you, do ye even so to them ; :
for this is the law and the prophets."

The idea, before the mind of the Saviour was-
this, and this only: that as we would that men,
should act benevolently towards us, we should act
benevolently towards them. Tiie practical resulu -
of the rule, if given the latitude of meaning some- •
times attached to it, would prove utterly destruc-
tive to the best interests of society. If imprison-
ed for crime, we would no doubt like to be releas-
ed : we ought, therefore, to attempt the release
of every one that may bo confined for his crimes. .

;^A thousand similar examples - nMglit be given

^showing that if the rule was extended so as to
emj^race every case that a disordered fancy or a
^ «lWcked heart might suggest as desirable to be
done to usy civil society would be entirely broken
up., it is< evident, therefore, that the rule must be
restricted to the meaning clearly growing out of
th©, context. It may be paraphrased thus: That
as we desire the kindly, offices of men in our in-
tercourse with them in life, so should. we bestow
.pur kindly offices upon them. The reference is
alone to ordinary acts of kindness.

Oonfbcius, the great Chinese philosopher, whof
flourished five hundred and fifty years beforfe
Christ, very distinctly lays down this great rule
o£ morals. His inte]:pretation of its meaning was
-evidently the correct one. He laid down the
|]^ciple that a father should 'act towards his son,
as he would that 'Us 6oit should act towards hiiif,
In the event that their situations were reversed.
And so on with -all the other relations of life.

The passage as found in Luke, evidently has

the same meaning that it has in Matthew. I will,

however, quote it with the' context, beginning it

verse twenty-seven t •

" But I say unto yo\t which hear. Love your
<*nemies, do good to them which hate you, bless
them that curse you, -and pray for them which de-
jsipitefully use you. And unto him that smiteth
£hee on the one cheek, offer also the other ; and
him that taketh away thy cloak, forbid not to tako
ahy coat also. Give to every man that asketh of
thee ; and of him that taketh away thy goods, ask
them not again. And as ye would that men should
jdo to you, do ye also to them like\^ise." Luk6,
vi. 27-31.

The simple meaning is, that as we would desire

men to be kind and benevolent towards us — so

^^hould we bie towards them. The foUowing quo-

£Sltion from Dr. Watts on this passage, will fully

explain its meaning :

•* Thfe rede," says Df. Watts ** does not mcRanm
to oblige us to give all that to another, or do all
that for another, which we could possibly desire^
or wish to be bestowed upon us, or done for us ;■
but whatsoever we could reasonably desire, and
justly expect, another should do to ns, that we
ought to do to him, when he is in like circumstan^
ces^ All thai in our calm and sedate thoughts we
judge fit and proper another should do for us, that
we should do and practice for him- Such requests
as we could make to others, and eoiild justify them
to ourselves in our own consciences-, according to
the principles of hunoanity, the rules of civil so^
ciety, and the rights of mankind — such we ought
not to deny to others when they stand in need.
Not all that a fond sclf-love could prompt us to
ask, but all that our conscience tells us we might
with reason expect."

The view that I have taken of the Scriptures

on this subject, renders unnecessary any extended

notice of the several objections which have been

urged* The sinfolness, or not, of Slavery as it

exists among us, depends on facts and circuxn*

stances to be hereafter mentioned^

CHAPTER III.

tIHE AFRICAN BACK : TEfEIR INFERIORITY, ANB
FITNESS FOR THE CONDITION OF SLAVERY,

Before commencing th« subject of African
Slaveiy, it will be proper to say something in re-
ference to the quaUties of the African, that fit hira
tLov the condition of Slavery* I maintain that the
African is naturally inferior to the Cauca^feian,
And that he is endowed by nature with certain
qualities which fit him for the condition of Slave-
ty, as it exists in the Southern parts of the Uni-
ted States.

Naturalists, following the classification of Blu-
HENBACH, have usually divided the human &,mily
Into five diflferent varieties : 1, The Caucasian ;
2. The Malay ; 3. The Mongolian ; 4. The Ame-
rican ; and 5. The Afirican. This division may
be reduced to three**— as I shall hereafter show—
springing from, the three sons of Noah : Shem,
Ham, and Japheth. The three varieties are :-^
1st. The White, or Caucasian — springing from
Japheth. ^. The eopper-coloredt^uc;^^ — ^\s^t^-
«in^ the Maiaj, MongoUaUv audi t^iA XxA«nK»av\^«

.:&0 A DEFENCE QT

>dian: these sprang from Shem* 3d, TEe^egt^
races, which sprang from Ham.

The destiny of these three varieties of men ha*
been very different.. The white man, in all agesy
has enjoyed a considerable degree of civilization*
He has been the discoverer, the propagator, antf
the patron, of the Arts and Sciences : And the
copper-colored races, at different periods, hsve
enjoyed a very considerable degree of civilization::
but they have never, in any age, rivalled the whittr
race of men. The Negro race, on the eontrary^v
has never, in any age, attained to any hi^ dvgis^e
of civilization. It has never advanced much be-
yond the state of barbarism; and seems, except
when in a state of Slavery, incapeible of reachin|^
a higher point in the scale of improvement. 1.
must, however, present the facta on this subject in.
a form somewhat more s-ystematic :

I. Present .Condition of the African. — •
The present condition of the African, is, every-
where, one of inferiority. In his native country,,
he has been free, for thiousands- of years past 5
yet he nowhere exhibits, in any part of the Afii*
can cMitinent, the slightest eiidence of advance-
ment in the arts of civilized life.

Agriculture, among the native Africans, scaree*K
Jf deserves to he mentloued* A. ^<e>^ \x&ibf^<:sL ^s^a^

NSGBO sLxynOLY* '31

ities of grain are raised in the immediate vicinity
of the villages ; but little or no labour is required,
or performed, in their culture, as the earth, in most
parts of that country, brings forth almost sponta-
neously. In most parts of Africa, the forest stands
in all its primitive grandeur; and such, in ail
likelihood, will continue to be the case, unless the
present inhabitants should be displaced, and the
country settled by a different and higher order of
men.

Mamff€u:iur€8 have advanced but little beyond
agriculture, on any part of the African continent,
among the negro races. As the Africans are
satisfied with the simplest accommodations, this,
of course, might have been anticipated. A ew
articles, however, are manu&ctured by them with
some considerable degree of skill. A certain kind
of blue, cotton -cloth, manufectured by them, is a
•very beautiful article. They likewise manufac-
ture leather, so as to make it equal to the best
Morocco. Mats used for sitting, and gold and
silver ornaments, are all made in Africa, with
considerable skill. But these are almost the only
articles manufactured in the whole country.

NamgcUion and Commerce^ are almost entirely
unknown among the Africans. Some little trade
^if^eanied oDf on the backs of «l&«^«^ %xw^ ot^^QcA

5^ it PSFBXC9 OJ^

heads of Slaves and women ; but wi^fonaf osoi^
or other vehicles, are entirely unkno^ivsi among:
them — and, indeed, would be entirely useleas if'
they were known — as the best roads in Afiica>
are but little more than paths cut through the
dense forests.

All the accommodations of life are limited in-
an extreme degree in that country. In the whole-
of that vast country, the native has never built a
stone house, or a house of any kind that rises two
stories above the ground. They have no statua-
ry, no paintings, nor any work of any kind, show,
ing the slightest advance in the arts.

The intellectual condition of Africa is dark in
the extreme ._ They have no written language,,
no hieroglyphics, no symbols, or characters of any
kind, by which one generation can impart to an*
other the treasures of experience. They fre--
quently compose extempore verses, and in their
palavers they occasionally display some powers-
of native eloquence ; but these efforts are greatly
inferior to the efforts of the most uneducated^
members of the Caucasian ^mily.

Africa, m a Reiigiaus point of view, is in ^^
state of extreme darkness.. Their views of spir-
itual beings in general, are low and degrading :
nor have they a. single rational id<^\9X.ieiS^t«\!k$^%

tb religious worslu|i. They have a dim, undeiin:'
ed notion of some supreme intelligence, and of a
^ure state of existence ; but so obscure are these*
notions, and so irrational the line of duty spring-^
ing from them, that not unfrequently, under the
name of religion the most horrid cruelties are per^
petrated. On the death of a king, or a distin-
guished chief, hundreds of* their courtiers, wives,
and slaves are put to death, in order that they
may have the benefit of their attendance in the
future world.. It oilen happens, that where tho
sword of tho rude warrior is once drawn in such,
cases, it in not again readily sheathed; wholes
towns may be depopulated before the thirst for
blood is satiated.-

The Africans worship various natural objects,
animate and inanimate, and have great &ith and.
confidence in the virtue of charms* As a means
of protection, they carry about with them certain*
substances,. with dark, unintelligible, and mysteri-.
ous characters, inscribed upon them. Some o€'
the Afiican tribes even worship the Evil Spirit.

Tlie Moral and Social Condition' of Africa, i»
not in the leadt superior to its Religious state ••
Society there has passed the bounds of the first
state of social existence, where simplicvt^ ^il^\»
£iam the absence of all causes cakagiUtfidLXo ^i^^^i^*

>1^ iL^EFSBrCB OP

the deep pfassions of the human heart ; but it has
not reached that stiate of refineinent where the
passions ' are curbed ^ by the restraints of law.
The consequence is, every imaginable evil whidi
springs from the bosom of society when not under
the influence of moral, religious, and political re-
straints, exists in Africa. Wars — bloody, de-
structive, «nd unrelenting -wars — are constantly
waged by the several tribes against each other.
These wars are often undertaken with the open
and avowed pui-pose of plunder, and in order to
get prisoners for the purpose of supplying the
Slave market. Kings, -and ^e most celebrated
warriors engage readily in these wars for plun-
der, and even regard such expeditions as highly
honorable.

Though dark in the' extreme, the social virtues
occasionally display themselves in Africa, espe-
cially among the females. Eiu-opean travellers
are often very hospitably entertained by the fe-
males; but. more .generally, they are treated by
.the men in a rude, insulting, and brutal manner.
It is dangerous in the extreme for foreignets to
^travel through that country ; and but few, compa-
ratively, are willing to undertake an enterprise
^so hazardous.

JJie larger ^oiUor of Aie MdCr^u ^::^\i!^»^ksB^.

ySOKO SLAVEBV* 95

rfre in a state of the most abject Slavery, Thercr
]« a difference of opinion among writers as to the
ftroportion of Slaves in that country ; but no one
estimates the number at less than two-thirds of
the whole papulations iBome even estimate the
number as high as nine-tenths. Slavery, in Af-
rica, may originate from —

1st. A voluntary act on the part of the people.
It occasionally happens that the blind veneratioa
on the part of the people, for a distinguished
chief or warrior, leads them to sink voluntarily
into a state of Slavery. But the number that be-
come Slaves from this cause are few, compared
to the great number that are made Slaves by —

2d. War. Wars are undertaken with the ex-
press view, of getting Slaves. It frequently hap-
pens that a tribe, without the least provocation^
will stealthily surround the village of a neighbor-
ing tribe at night whilst they are asleep, and aU
at once rush upon them, set fire to their houses—-
and whilst they are struggling ^tovcscape, they are
seized, sent off, and sold to the ^Europeans as
Slaves, or kept as Slaves among themselves.
This subject will be treated of more particularly, ^
hereafter.

Most of the Crovemments througiiQMl \?gl^ KSrw-
Ma.couUnent are absolute des]^^ica« ^\!^qs»^

66 A DKFBNCB OF

sands of bold and feaiiess warriors bow down and
abxiost worship the solitary despot, and at his bid-^
ding hesitate not to eomntit the most horrid crinie8«
Some few of the smaller tribes have an aristo-
cratic, and even a republican form of government :'
but these, in every instance, are badly orgKiixed ;- '
and, in consequence, afford Ixut a feeble protect
tion to the rights of society. The people in these
governments, are turbulent and unhappy ; and in
every respect, much more rude and licentious,
than those living under the despotisms.

It is common on some pori^ns of the African
continent, to make human sacrifices, with a view
of appeasing their oiTended deities. Missionaries^
and others, have given us many accounts of this
horrid enormity, which seems not to have decU^
ned with the advance of civilization in other parti
of the workE.

The foregoing picture of Africa furnishes con--
elusive evidence of their present inferiority. Th»
samer race in the United States has made somor
advance in civilization ; but under the most &vor-
able circumstances under which they have existed
here — even when free in the Northern, Mid-
die and Western States, and enjoying every ad-
vantage of education — they have ever shown^
^ffir native inhrionij. Tbe saxud W:X Na Xzas^ WC

the Wc9t Indies. All accounts a^ee that the
emancipated Negroes are actually declining in civ-
ilization : that they are now in a lower state of
improvement than they were when in a state of
Slavery. In the Island of St. Domingo, where
they have been long free, they have gradually
sunk into a state of barbarism ; and that fine, isl-
and is now almost uncultivated. The productions
have declined in the proportion of one hundred
and fifty to fifteen*

II. Past Conditiow of the Afsican. — We
infer the past civilization of a fallen people, from
architectural and other remains of art among
them; from their religious and moral notions;
and from their written, or hierogl3rphical history :

1st. Remains of Af% dec, , On no part of the
African continent, inhabited hy the genuine Ne-
gro, can the slightest trace of ancient art of any
kind be found. No remains of tenses or build-
ings of any kind — no walls, dykes, canals, or
roads — nothing, in a word, which furnishes the
slightest evidence that Africa ever made the slight-
est advance in the arts of civilization. In no
other country, and among no other people, is the
same &ct true.

When the continent of America was discovered,
it was found in the possession ot & u>XEa&xs^^QR^^^s«x

^ JTDBFENCB OF

ravage people. With the excepdon of Mexico,
Peru, and a few other places, the native Indiani
were in possession of as little actual civilization,
a« the Negroes on any portion of the Afiican contF-
ncnt.. Bu6 notwithstanding this, we foundJiere
indubitable evidences of a p^st^ civilization : ruiii-
-ed wallsf citic9 and towns, paintings, sctQpture,
and other remains of a similar character.

It has been maintained that the Egyptians were
Negroes; butvjthis is a great. «rror, as we have
the most iQ|inIutable evidence thaf the Egyptians
belonged to t'<he race of Shem. . Negroes are
found; on son^ of the ancient Egyptian paintings
which have lately been disentombed; but they
are always found repii^ayented as prisoners of was,
or as menials. */^\.toAQWy too, that there were
Negroes in Egypt7 liom "history ; but they always
occupied the lowest rank, never reaching any post
higher than that of common soldier in the army.

Thro|ig]|S^ the vast continent of Asia, what-
ever .the*!piifise*nt condition of the inhabitants, we
•find numerous evidences of ancient art: ruined
xuties, temples, and common buildings, paintings,
/statuary, and numerous other evidences of the
kind, of a former civilization. In. a word^ whera-
ever the white, or copper races are - found, there
yott will find evidences of a present or ^st ciriU-

•

zatibn ; but in no instance will you find any sucli
evidence among the Negroes. . *

2d. Religious and Moral Notions,- One pf the
strongest evidences of the past civilization of a
people, is the existence among them of enlarged
aaid liberal views of the Dleity, and of moral prii>-~
ciple : and the absenoe of all such notions among -
them, is evidence conclusive, that thiey have nev-
er enjoyed any very high degree of civilization.
Civilization depends on- the actionr of the intel-
lectual and moral faculties of man ;. and one of
tlie results of this, action is, exalted notions of
God, and of moral pnnc^ple : . and when such
notions once exist iiya nation; they are never for-
gotten, though the?e may not' be in* the nation a
single hum^n being that correctly understands
their import. Such was the fact in reference to
the various savage tribes inhabiting, this continent
when first discovered*. An idea of the Great
Spirit was universai among them ; though there
was, probably, not an Indian on the continent
that could have originated the idea, if it had by
any means been extinguished. The lowest sav-
age tribes among them — such as the Caribs, the
Gttowas, Algonquins, the Hiirons, &c., had a very
correct idea of a great First Cause.

Bxalted Dotion$ of the Deity, aii& ^us^ «sA t^i^

t69 A DEFSNcx or

vated moral conceptions, exist among every tribe
throughout the continent of Asia. With the ex-
ception of our Bible, no book in the world con-
tains more elevated views oi the Deity, than the
"Shastra — the Bible g^ the fihidooft. No Chris-
tian will object to the sentiments contained in, the
following passage taken from the Shastra ;

" He who considers the Being that is infinite,
incomprehensible and pure, as iinite, perceptible
by the senses, limited by time and place, subject
to passion and anger, what a crime is such a rob-
ber of Divine Majesty not guilty of! Acts and
rites that originate in the movements of the hands
and other members of the body, being perisha-
ble, cannot effect beatitude that is eternal. Those
who worship forms under appcll.ations, continue
subject to form and appellation ; for no perishable
means can effect the acquisition of an imperisha-
ible end,"

Among the Negroes of Africa, there does not
exist the slightest evidence that they ever <?iijoyed
at any period of their histoiy, any elevated or re-
fined notions of the Deity. Their minds seem
never to have extended beyond material, sensible
objects; for these alone they worship, without the
least reference to any thing beyond. This fifcct
furnishes conclusive evidence that their reasoning
powers have never been developed; otherwise
the/ would have penetrated beyond mere outward

NEGRO SLAVEHT. 91

objects, and to some extent, have reached a knowl-
edge of the principles and agencies hy which they
were formed and are governed.

In the lowest state of Savage life, the dai^ened
mind can see nothing but material, sensible ob-
jects, to which it bows with the homage and ado-
ration due only to the Creator. The native Afri-
can seems never to have advanced beyond this
first stage of mental action.

In a more advanced state of society, in which •
the powers of reasoning have become, to some
extent, developed — a knowledge of an active, in-
telligent agent is attained, to which the mmd pays
its homage, but generally through the instrument-
ality of material objects. This is the case in
Hindostan, China, 6ic,

In a more exalted state of mental improvement,
the mind dispenses with all material forms, and
pays to the Supreme Intelligence a pure, spiritual
worship. The existence among the Catholics of
images of Christ, his Apostles, and various
Saints, through which they worship, is an evi-
dence that religious worship among them has not
reached the elevation of pure spirituality. It is
an evidence that the mind is still, to a great ex-
tent, under the influence of external, material ob-
jects — that it cannot separate the id^a o^ ToaXVe^
3

63 'A ASFEKCIS OF

from spirit; but is compelled to use tke former to
pay homage to the latter.

3d. Written Historyy and Hieroglyphical lit*
fcriptiens, — The past condition of a nation maj
be known from written historj, or from^ hiero-
giyphical inscriptions, as in. Eg3rpt and some oth-
er countries : but as letters are now, and always
hs^ve been, entirely unknown to the native Afrr-
can, we have no correct and continuous history
of Africa. We have, however, some account ef
ancient Africa from Herodotus, the eariiest Greek
historian, Diodorue, and Strabo ; and of modem.
Africa we have an account from travellers, who
at various times have been through that, country,
and published an account of their observations..
All accounts, ancient and* modem, represent the
nati^'e African as wholly uncivilized. Not a step
has he advanced beyond the bounds of ancient
barbarism, but he is as stationary as the beasts
of his native forests, or as the rocks and hills of
his native land.

These fects prove the past and present inferi-
ority of the African, and I think we are authori-
zed to draw the conclusion that this inferiority u
natural, and not the result of circumstances. A
fact which has always been the same, under all
circumstancea, must be a g^ik&ial ^ct^ ot law of

mattire. 'From such data we draw general coibi
<;lusions in aatoral scien^, and establish general
.^rinc^ples, or laws of nature : this mode of rea^
zoning constitates l&e .<distinctiT€r feature <^ the
Baconian, er inductive method of reasoning ; the
establishment of which, is esteemed as Uie great-*^
est achievement of the ^greatest mind of modem
times.

The inferiority of the Negro is proven further
lirom anatomy and physiology, as I shall now pro-'
ceed very briefly to show :

There is less beauty in the general form and
outline of the Negro tikan m that of the white
man. He has a flat, ugly foot ; evidently design«i
*ed, like the foot of the camel, to tread upon the
sands of the great tropical deserts. There is, in
:all the works of God, a harmony and adaptation
of the parts to eslch other, which evince the high-
est possible degree ^f wisdom and goodness*
The Negro has a black, thick skin, which emits a
disagreeable odor; thick, woolly hair; a large
mouth; ugly features; thick lips; a small calf to
his leg, situated near the knee ; a projecting shin
bone. In a word, there is in the whole outDne of
the Negro, much less of symmetry and beauty
than in that of the white man.

From these external characteTv«l\c«i \ Vi&t ^^aa^

64 Jt DEFETVCK or

the Negro was designed by his Creator to Inre im
southern climates ; and, in fact, we always find^
him, when left alone, living in hot couAtries.^ He
is much more healthy, happy, and lives to a much
more advanced age, in such climates, than in
more northern regions. Tropical regions, Tvhicb
are destructive to the constitution of the white*
man when much exposed, are in the highest de-
gree friendly to the constitution of the N«gro ::
there, and there alone, is external nature in per-
fect harmony with his physical nature.^

It may be said tliat nothing can be inferred asF
to the inferiority of the Negro, from the absence
of physical beauty ; but persons making this ob-
jection, have made but slight advances in the phi-
losophy of nature. Perfection, excellency, and
beauty, are united throughout nature* Take, for
instance, a particular plant or animal : the fine-
blooded horse — how inlinitely more beautiful thatr
the coarse, scrub animal, of the same species t
The former is clean in limb, l)eautifiU in all hi»
proportions, and graceful in every movement.
The hair, the eye, hoof — in a word, every part
and feature indicates his superiority ; whilst every
part of the scrub indicates his inferiority. The
same differences prevail throughout the animal,,
as well as vegetable kingdom. We mi^ht then

^«ve inferred a priori that such was also the case
iin reference to the human family ; and this, as I
"have stated,' we find actually to be the case.

But the N^igro has other .physical peculiarities
Avhich fit him for the situation that he occupies on
this continent, and which I shall now proceed to
♦mention.

Every one has ohserved at the inner comer of
Slhe eye oF fowls, a semi-lunar membrane, which
amoves with great rapidity over the eye, when ex-
posed to the solar rays. This has been called by
naturalists, the nictillating membrane. It is de-
signed to direct the course of the tears, and to
protect the eye from the intense rays of the sun.
In the eye of the white man, fhis membrane is
very small, and seems only to direct the tears into a
^ac situated behind and below a small prominence
5it the inner canthus of the eye. In tLc Negro,
this membrane is greatly expanded ; and serves,
'in addition to the purpose of directing the tears,
.as in the White man, to protect the eye, as in the
*;a8e of fowls, from the effects of the solar rays.

This membrane serves as a protection to the
* Negro against the eflTects of the hardships, neces-
•sarily incident to the condition of Slavery.

" The Master," says Dr. C artwhight^ of N^V-
.«ch£a^ " m^j foxget or neglect to ptoNAjSkft.^J^^^^^'*

tior ji DKFBNOB cnr

with a covering for the head, ta shield the eyei»
from the brillianey of the eim, while laboring in
the fields. Such neglect would greatly inerease
the irksomeness of labor, under a tropical son, if
God, in his goodness, had not provided the race
of Canaan, whon> he has doomed to Slavery, with
the above-mentioned anatomical contrivance, or
membranous wing, to protect the eyes against the
brightness of the solar rays."*

yhc difference between the Negro and tljc
white man extends even to the intimate structure
,of their organs. The brain proper-^ that is, the
ccredrom-!*- in the Negro, is about ten per cent-
smaller than it is in the white man : and in tex-
ture il is coarser, more watery and flabby. Whc|i
put into a dish it sinks loosely down, instead qf
standing firm and erect, as in the case of the
higher orders of white men. The head of Lord
Byron was small ; and was, in consequence, said
to contradict one of the fundamental principles of
phrenology, viz : " that size, ceteris paribus^ is a
measure of power ;" but afler the death of hi^
lordship, his brain was taken out and weighed -r^
and to the a^tonishBStent of all, was found heavier
than most brains of the largest size. The brai»
of the Baron Cuvier, though in appearance one-
ihird larger, was only one or two drachms heavier*

^ Sonthem ^larterly Ee\i^^^Qcv \^i^k^^. ass.

This pfeni -weight of the bfltlin of his lordshijp^
TPras owing to its extreme density. Its whole tex-
ture WHS firm and solid, the fibres compact, and
the whole organ exceedingly free from water.
When put into a dish, the parts firmly adhered to-
gether : so much so that it would Tiave answered
for dissection, without the usual process of hard-
'cning. Now the same difference that exists be-
tween the brain of Lord Byron, and those of or-
dinary individuals, exists between the white and
black races of men. The power of Byron lay m
the density of his brain ; and the mental soperi-
ority of the white over the black race, is owing
to the superior size and density of the brain.

Whatever may be said of phrenology in all its
details, one position I consider established beyond
controversy, viz: "that the bi*ain is the seat of
mind." This principle being true, it follows that
the efficiency and power of the mind must depend
on the efficiency and power of the brain. The
linferiority of the Negro is thus clearly manifest.

But the difference between the white and black
races does not end here ; there is a considerable
difference even in the bones. This extends not
only to the general outline, but to their intimate
structure. In general outline, the bones of the
white man are much more elegemt, wdrgq^ ^»^

BS ▲ DBFBNCB OF

symmetrical ; all the protuberances are rounder;
smoother^ and the angles less abrupt than those
of the Negro. The bones of the Negro are of a
more dingy color, more spongy in structure, and
coarser grained, than those of the white man^
Among the higher orders of the white race, the
l>ones have almost the appearance of ivory. I
have a large cabinet of skulls and other bones,
both of animals and men ; and hence my oppor-
tunities are good to make observations. I find a
great difference in the texture of these bones ;
those of the higher orders have almost the white-
ness and density of ivory. Among the number is
the skull of a French nobleman, and a number
belonging to the race of Canaan* The fonner is
handsome in all its parts, the processes all hand-
somely rounded, and the texture dense, firm, and
white, like ivory. On the contrary, the bones
belonging to the Negro are coarse-grained, spon*
gy in texture, dingy and rough. The base of the
skull, inside, has the appearance of being hewed
out with a foot-adz. It is said that the skull of
Byron, when sawed across to take out the brain,
had very much the appearance of ivory.

A skillful observer can distinguish temperament
from the bones alone. This I have so frequently
observed, that no doubt can exist upon the subject. •

NK6K0 KLAyXRr, B9

Tke difference in the structure of the organs
between the white and the black man, {» not'l^*
fltricted to the parts meirtioned, but extends to the
muscles, nerves, blood-Tessels, hair, skin and eve-
ry other structure and organ about the body. In
all, the white man shows his superiority of tem-
perament, and his consequent greater elevation iu
the scale of being.

The foregoing facts very clearly prove the in-
feriority of the Negro ; but it may be argued,
that as all men have sprung from the same origi*
nal stock, this inferiority is the result of un&vor-
able circumstances, which, when removed, will
soon elevate the Negro to his original equality
with the white man. This objection is urged
by both Northern and Southern men ; even some
of my most intimate friends — men in whom I
have much confidence — make use of it. I have
been led, in consequence, to the observance of
extreme caution in drawing my conclusions ; but
this has only tended to confirm me in my conclu-
sions.

That all men sprung from the same original
stock, is what I firmly and conscientiously believe.
I cannot agree with Dr. Nott and others, that
there have been several distinctcreations of men;
there is no wairant in the Bible {qx «\xc^ ^ ^^^^^

I^ ▲DBFaHCB OF

elusion, nor is its admission essential to a clear
understanding of the differences among men. In
making the acknowledgement that^all men hav«
j»prung from the same original stock, I still main-
tain ftie natural inferiority of the Negro, and that
this inferiority is not the result of circumstances.
iChronological accuracy is unattainable, as there
-are more than three hundred computations for ti>e
creation and deluge ; but we can, nevertheless,^
approximate sufficiently near to the truth to an-
swer all the purposes that I have in view.

The creation may be set down as having oc-
^curred six thousand years ago, and the flood four
thousand three hundred and fifly. The flood dc-
:stroyed all mankind, with the exception of Noah,
his wife, his three sons, and their wives i. from
4hese the earth was peopled.

Now, the fact lias been placed beyond all doubt,
that Egypt had an existence as a nation, and was
in a most flourishing condition, nearly four thou-
sand years ago. This brings us within a few
<;cnturies of the ilood. Sesostris, the great Egyp-
tian conqueror, lived and flourished nearly foiir
thousand years ago ; yet there were real, genuine
Negroes in his army. Herodotus — the earliest
'Oreek historian, and who was remarkable for the
accuracy with w^hich be det&ikd &.cX« and eveBts

NSCFKO SLAVHRT. 71

—^in speaking of th» ejq^edition of Sesogtrisy
which he says extended as far as Thrace and
Scythia, adds, that '' The inhabitants of Colchis,
en the north side of the Black Sea, appear to be
descended from a portion of the armj of Sesos*
Iris, which remained there ; and at all events are
real Egyptians, for they are black, taitk woolltf
hairJ'^ It might be inferred from this last remark,
ihat the Egyptians were real Negroes ; but we
have evidence from the paintings, and other sour-
ces, that such is not the fact- The real Egyptian
is always represented in the paintings as a de>
scendant of Shem, and not of Ham.

Negroes are found as prisoners of war, on the
paintings which have been recovered from the
sepulchres ; but they arc never represented in any
higher capacity than as common soldiers, or as
jnenials. Dr. S. G. Morton, of Philadelphia,
the very best authority on this subject, says that
— "The physical, or organic characters, which
distinguish the several races of men, are as old
as the earliest records of our species."

From the above facts and statements, it is very
manifest, that if the physical differences among
men are the result of circumstances — as climate,
modes of living, <&;c., the whole change must have
occurred within a very short Um^ i&At Vk^ ^<(^^\

7% iL DSFBlfCB or

Ibr it is very evident that no material change ha?
occurred within the last four thousand years.
Thifif i« unreasonable, and contradicts imiversal
experience; for we have been intimately acquaint-
ed with the Ne^ro for centuries past : he has lived
in all climates : he has even been in the United
States for two centuries past — yet no material
physical change has occurred. The white race
of men, ,t«o, lias lived in all climates ; yet we do
not find them in hot climates turning to Negroes,
nor even making an approximation to it. They
become a little tanned, it is true ; but they never
iose the characteristics of the white man. We
have, then, a right to infer that the physical char-
acteristies of the Negro are not the result of ordi-
nary circumstances.

In this connection, I take the liberty of intro-
ducing a letter from a distinguished gentleman, in
reply to one from myself:

"Philadelphia, Oct. 27, 1845.

** Dear Sir :

" Your favor of the 15th inst., is just received.
In respect to the physical differences observable
jimong men, I am convinced, from extensive ob-
servation and much reflection, that they are coe-
val with the primitive dispersion of our race.
External agents, climate, locality, food, moral
causes, &;c., all act by modi^ng the original

types; but they never efiace them. There i» s
limit beyond which they cease to operate. In
other words, I do not believe these agents ever
converted a white man into a Negro, or a Negror
into a white man. The amalgamation of raceg^
as every one knows, produces every grade or va-
riety between the two extremes,

" I do not think the Negroes are descendants
of Ham. The ancient Egyptians were a Ham-
itic people, and their position in the scale of races
is intermediate between the Japetic and Semitic
stocks* Whence then, you will inquire, came the
Negroes] On this point, I confess, I cannot en-
lighten you. Ethnography is a, new science, and
I am but a learner. I am glad you are giving
your attention to this pleasing and instructive stu-
dy, and will have pleasure in communicating any
thing I know of it. I send a pamphlet or two,
and remain yours very respectfully,

« De. M. EsTEs- "S. G.MORTON.

I have already mentioned those physical char-
acteristies which adapt the Negro to exposure in
Southern latitudes. I will now mention a few
other peculiarities which fit him admirably for the
condition of Slavery ; and which show, in fiict^
that nature intended him for that position.

The inferior brain of the Negro disposes him
to submit to the authority of the white man. The
superior governs the inferior, throughout nature :
we see this daily displayed in iVie coifi3avdAi^!asw%\s^-

74 A DBFBTTCB Of'

iluence gained by some men over the enlightellerf
population of the United States* A strong mam
is instantly recognized in society; and all with
whom he comes in contact, feel «nd acknowledge
his authority. This is one of the reasons why
the black race of men submit so readily and
cheerfiilly to the attAority of the white rac^
They feel and acknowledge their inferiority ; anrf
in consequence. Slavery is not in the least regard-
ed as a degradation, but as their proper and natu^
ral position. That cheerful submission to author-
ity displayed by the Negro Slave, is entirely un-
known among the other varieties of men, wlien
reduced to Slavery. They are always restless,
turbulent, and disobedient to their superit)r8.

On several occasions, in this country, the loy-
alty of the Negro to his Master, was put to the
severest test. During the two wars that we had
with England, repeated attempts were made to
stir up insurrection among the Negroes, or to in^
duce them to nm away and leave their Masters ;
but almost universally without success.

In the year 1775, Lord Dunmore, Governor of
Virginia, issued his proclamation, calling on the
Negroes to join His Majesty's forces, and at the
same time declaring them absolved fi*om all flir^
ther obligation to serve their Mastet«. Hift IavI*

HXGBO SLATBinr. ^

ship was high in authority — had the British and
Tories to back him — and though every effort was
made to acquaint the Negroes with the purport of
the proclamation, still but few Slaves coirid' her
induced to abandon their homes : the great body
Temained true to their Masters.

During both wars, the South was found ih»
very bulwark of the Republic. The ready sub-
mission of the Negro to his Master, under the
most trying circumstances, enabled the Southern
States to send into the field the larger portion of
the white population able to bear arms. The
Negroes remained at home and' cultivated the
farms, and thus raised provisions necessary for
the support of the army. In some of the coun-
ties of Virginia — those containing the largest
black population — it often happened during the
late .war, that almost the entire male adult white
population was in the field. Notwithstanding
this, however, no serious disturbances ever occur-
red, though the counties lay within a. few miles of
the British fleet, and though the Negroes wefe
aware that an ofler of liberty had been made
them, if they would abandon their Masters, ,and
join the British forces.

Dr. Caktwright mentions one slight diaiwxVi-
KQce, on ojae of the plantatioaa m\vt%\j»aw» 'YlVfc

7^ A DBFBNCE OF

Negroes, it seems, from some cause, became some*
whaX unruly; but a lame man in the neighbor-
hood, entirely unarmed, except with a whip, went
over and flogged the whole of them. They all
submitted to tlie flogging without the least oflfer
of resistance ; though a British fleet was lying
within ten miles at the time. During the war,
Mrs. Madison, from an apprehension that the Eng-
lish were desirous of making her a prisoner, re-
tired to the strongest Slave counties in the State
of Virginia, for protection.

No other people ever exhibited the same fideli-
ty, when in a state of Slavery. The white, or
copper man, when enslaved, will leave no means
untried to effect their emancipation ; but the Ne-
gro, similarly situated, will not only neglect the
use of means to effect his liberation, but will
absolutely refuse the boon of freedom wheu offer-
ed to him. I do not believe, conscientiously,
that one Slave in ten, in the United States, could
be induced to accept the offer of freedom, if ac-
conapanied with the condition that they were to
leave the United States. This has been tested
again and again. I recollect a family of Negroe«
tiiat were liberated and sent to Liberia. When
freedom was first offered with the condition, they
obstinately refused to accept tUe teima •, bwl wkea

■ihcy saw that resistance was useless, they sub-
;initted — with tears and heartfelt agony. Ever
since their settlement in Liberia, they have re-
peatedly expressed a wish to return to the Uni-
4ed States, and again become Slaves for life.

Since the first introduction of Slavery into the
United States to the present time, there has never
►occurred any very serious disturbance among the
Negroes. On two or three occasions we have .
^ad temporary outbreaks, in which a few whites
lost their lives ; "but these amount to nothing, com-
pared to the outbreaks and disturbances among
the peasantry in countries where Negro Slavery
does not prevail. In England, France, Ireland,
and in fact in all othef countries, outbreak after
outbreak has occurred among the people, and
^hundreds upon hundreds of lives have been lost.
'These disturbances have occurred, notwithstand-
ing the existence of standing armies — maintained
at great public expense — to keep the people in
subjection. No standing army is necessary to
preserve due subordination among our Negroes 4
we do not, in fact, keep up in most parts ©f the
ijountry, even an efficient patrol. The planter
sleeps as securely amono; his Slaves, without the *
least precaution, as if he were surroutvded Vs^ %.

whole brigade of grenadiers* TViou^ ^iQitxL ^^
6

78 A DBVaXOB OF

reared among Negroes, and having been whb
them all my life, the idea of alarm never onoe
entered r»j^ head ; nor does it enter the head of^
any one, who has resided any length of time at
'the South.

In another respect the Negro differs from any
other Slave. His situation excites in'-his.^nisd
net the slightest idea of degradation : on the con-
trary, he feels perfectly content, from a conviction
that his position is one which is proper and natn-
i;^l- for Inm.- The- laboring classes of England
and other countries, in .contrasting their condition
with the condition of •. the higher orders, feel a
burning sense of degradation ; and of course arc
discontented, unhappy, and turbulent. This is
always the case, when.r the white man ht>lds the
white man in bondage ; or what amounts to the
same thing as bondage, a state of hopeless poverty,
M'hich is a more powerful motive of submission
to ^ superiors, than absolute Slavery itself. Our
NegFoes are contented with their .lot,^nd desire
not to cha^ng^ it ; they have a consciousness that
they are fitted for it,, and feel a perfect contempt
for any white man that places himself on an equal-
ity with them.

But there is another important peculiarity which
has an important bearing on the well-being of the

KEGftO SLAVSRl*

fo?

Nftgro in a state of Slavery. I allude to a kind
«f stubbornness which induces him to resist every
attempt to force him to the performance of more
than a reasonable amount of labor. You may
hurry the Negro somewhat, in cases of necessity
—but whenever you attempt to make him per-'
form,- habitually^ more labor than he thinks rea- '
tenable and just, he will obstinately resist; and
in the end, put you to more cest' and trouble than
>«,- little* Most Masters, after a while, arrive at
the very humane and rational conclusion, that
their interests are subserved by only moderately
■working their Slaves ; and so well regulated now
are the plantations, within the range of my k:iow-
ledge, that the Overseers are hardly ever compell-
ed to chastise the grown up Slaves. I knnv sev- '
eral plantations, having from- fifty to one luiuJrcd
Slaves, where the whipping of an adult is almost
entirely^ unknown.- This is owing to the well-'
regulated plantation discipline which prevails in
tfie country. They know the amount of labor
that the Negroes will cheerfully perform, and they
never attempt to push them beyond this. Owing
to this characteristic of the Negro, it is almost
impossible to overwork them : such a thing has "
never occurred, within the range of my knowl-
edge* JBetween the Negro and olY^ex \^Tve\i^^ w^"

80 A DEFSKCE OF ICffCrBO KLATMMr,

jnetky there ia a wide difference in this particular.
The white man, when in bondage, or otherwise
ynder the control of others, can be easily forced
to the performance of a degree of labor much be-
jond his strength and capacity. To this cause is
owing the many ruined constitutions among the
laboring population of England, and other coiui'
tries. They are placed u^der their employers, or
others, and forced to perform a degree of labor
which }s utterly destructive to the constitution.
Under similar circumstances, the Negro would
resist ; and if the effoil: was made still to force
him, he would become ol^stinate and stubborn,
and finally run away — and otherwise put his
Master to so much trouble as to induce him, as a
matter of interest, to demand in future only a rea-
sonable amount of labor. Every one acquainted
with the Negro, is aware of this peculiarity. I
do not think, with some, that it results from a pe-
culiar instinct, but from a certain hardihood of
constitution, which, as in the case of the mule,
gives great power of endurance.

CHAPTER IV,

itrklCJLN SLAVERY C ITS HISTORY : SLAVS- TSAOi^'

It would Ve incompatible witli the design of ar

work like this, to go into smy thing like a minute

history -of Slavery, or the Slate Trade ; but it

may be permitted bHefly to allude to these suIk

jects.

African "Slavery was probably coeval with the"
-existence of the African race, Canaan, one of
the acknowle(%ed progenitors of the African, was*
doomed to be ^^d servant of servants to his breth-
renJ*^ (Gen. ix. 25.) His very name, as before
remarked, was prophetic of his destiny ; and it
furnishes a veri^ conclusive evidence that God
designed froaj the beginning, that his descendant*
iShould act in the ciapacity of servants.

When the Children of Israel reached the Pro-
hiised Land, they found it in the possession of
several different tribes ; most, if not all of whom,
^ere of the descendants of Canaan. Some of
these tribes were destroyed; but one of them, the
€^ib0onkes^ were Hmde "tewets o? ^wA %»St

c drawers of water," or in other words, were laa^

, perpetual bondmen..

In the ninth chapter of Joshua, we have ajt

; account of this ensiarement of th« Gibeonites ?
they practiced a deception upon the Israelites, iji

^order to save their lives ; for which they were re>.

,duced to perpetual bondage. This they submit*-

^ted to, readily and cheerfully.

African Slavery existed in artcient Greece, and
in many other. countries,. Both ancjont. and modern*
It has existed in Africa since its first settlement
by the Negroes — now not less than four thousand-
years past;. Thp . Negro* population of Africa is
estimated at sixty jmillions : of this number, some
estimate the Slave population at nine-tenths*
This may be too high= — probably two-thirds, or
forty millions, would be a fair estimate.

In a subsequent chapter, I design drawing a
parallel between Slavery as it exists in Africa,,
and in this co];intry ; and to some extent, the par-
allel will be extended ttf Slavery a^ it exists in
other countries — for practically, I maintain. Sla-
very exists in almost every country. At present, I
will make a few remarks on Slavery, as it exists
in Africa.

Mungo Park, the Rev. Stephen Ray, and oth-
,^rs, have given us a number of vav^oxV^axvl ^^jc^ju

/

I uta¥8 of AMdan Society. It seems, from the ae«
counts given, that there exists between the diflfer-
' etit tHbes, a constant ^ate of hdstiHty. Like the
Ibhmaelites Of okl, and the Gamanche Indians of
Texas and Mexico, these tribes are against all
men, and alt men against them. Their wars are
undertaken with various pretexts : at times for
« plunder, and at other times to make Slaves- of
their enemies.

Mungo Paric informs us tliat'the king of Daho-
mey is engaged in perpetual wars, not caily with
- a view to acquire Slaves, but in order to get his
enemies, to water the graves of his ancesu)rs with
their blood. Thetomhs, "palaces, and temples of
Ms capitol, are ornamented, with the skulls and
jaw-bones of his enemies captured in war. The
floors of his private-' chambers, and halls of au-
^ dience, are paved with these bones ; and it is
' considered a sufficient cause for war, that the
graves of his 'ancestors want " more watering,"
V or that his palace wants a new covering. It very
^ often happens that a tribe, without the least pre-
^ vious warning,' or -without the least provocation,
^ will surround by night the village of a neighbor-
ing tribe, set fire to the houses, and either put
the whole village to the slaughter, or spare such
. as they think will make usafliL Slaves — slaugh-

84T ji^DwnsNOB om: ^

tmng the old men, dbildren, mid man j of (Her
women..

The Afirican Master has* the most unlimited*
centred over his Slaves^ esp^ecially those whom he-
has purchased with' liis money, or taken in war.
He can, if he sees proper, put them to death, or
otherwise treat them in. the most inhuman man--
ner. Travellers in Africa, mention numerous-
instances of inhumanity to servants. Sometimes
they are confined to the earth imtil they are mtar-
ly stung to death by a large poisonous ant of that
country : at other times they are almost burned
to death ; and where they become useless firom^
age, infirmity, or from any other cause, they are :
put to death, as any planter would put to death a^
worthless dog. Our Negroes here are in Para-
dise, in comparison with the Negro Slaves in'.
Africa;-

I shall, hereafl6r, say something more in refer-
ence to the condition of the African in his native^
country, and by comparison show the superior:-
happiness of the Slaves in this country.

I wish now to direct the attention of the reader-
to the African Slave Trade ; but my remarks must
be brief, as it would be incompatible with the de-
sign of a work like thi^, to go into any thing like-
an extended notice of this subject* This trades

<0ki8ted long before the discovery of this continent
fijrX^olumbus. As early as the year 990, it was
regularly carried on by Moorish merchants firom"
Harbary. It was reguiarl}^ established and carri-
ed on by Europeans, at least half a century be-
fore the discovery of this continent by Columbus.
The Portuguese were the fii«t Europeans that en--
gaged in it : cupidity, and a hatred of all that difl
fbr-ed with them on the subject of the Christian
reli^on, were the motives that impelled them to
this traffic. The Spaniards soon followed the*
Pbrtuguese, and very early took the lead in the
trade.

The first Slaves brought to the New World,
were landed in Hispaniola, about the year 1500.-
At first, the trade was, probably, contraband ;
" but a royal edict soon permitted Negro Slaves, •
born in Slavery among Christians, to be trans-
ported to Hispaniola." In the year 1503 — only
two years after the royal permission to bring in"
Slaves — so many had arrived, that the Governor,
Orvando, became alarmed ; and begged that no*
more be permitted to enter the island.

The pretext at first set up in order to cover the'
design, of the traffic— of importing such Slaves-
enly as had been bred in Christian families, with
a view of converting the native Indians to Chris#-

88 X'DEFBNCE OF

tiahity — was soon abandoned, as Ae'ralue of
Negro Slave labor became every day more and

_more apparent. It was found, in fact, utterly im-
possible to cultivate sugar, and other tropical pro*
ducts, ^ith out the assistance of Negro Slaves,

•^ ad their constitutions were alone found capable
of endurij}g exposure in tropical climates.

In the year 1510, Ferdinand, himself^ then king
of Spain, sent over fifty Slaves from Seville, to
Work in the> mines of Hispaniola. A/d as ^tte
value of the African became more and more appa-
rent, one of them being considered equal to four
natives, a direct traffic was permitted between
Guinea aiid Hispaniola.

Charles V. sanctioned the trade, and the bene-

= vblent Las Casas suggested a further continuance
of the traffic, as it had then (1517) become ap-
parent that the constitution of the Negro was
eminently fitted for hard labor in a hot cHmate,

' whilst the native Indian, when reduced to Slavery,

. and forced to work, melted away like dew before

i the rising sun.

As before intimated, a minute history of Slave-
ry and the Slave Trade is incompatible with the

. design of a work like this — I must therefore con-
tent myself with only brief notices. The trade

rContinu€?d to flourish : great aiumbers of Blavet

▼were brought over, but it is said that it was nev-

t «r sanctioned by the Roman See. Some of the
Roman pontxSs, as Leo X. and Paul IIL, took a
bold and decided stand against it.

v5ir John Hawkins was the first Englishman
that engaged in this trade. In the year'1565»he
ipiported a cargo of Slaves into the island of His-
paniola, and carried back a rich return cargo —

V consisting of ginger, sugrtr, and pearls. Queen
Elizabeth was so much charmed with the rich
cargo of Hawkins, that she readily encouraged
the traffic ; and even formed a copartnership with
him in the trade, with a view to future profit.
The trade with the Spanish ports was illicit :
nevertheless, the queen did not hesitate to incur
its hazards, for the sake of its profits.

In the year 1645, a vessel belonging to a man

,by the name of Thomas Keyser, and another by
the name of James Smith — the latter, a member
of the Church, at Boston — brought in a cargo oif
African Slaves from Guinea; but such was the
opposition to the traffic, that the Negroes were
sent back at the public charge, with a strong ex-
pression of indignation on the part of the Gener»

.#1 Assembly.

In the State of Virginia, conditional servitude

.^under indentures was petmllled ftowi \\ikSk %s.^u

di 1 tftfFSNCB Ot^

Nuine)*ous white servants were bought in En^
Uindf IiMland, and other cbuiitrie's, sent over, an^
dold to the Virginia colonists as Slaves for a cer*
tain period of years. In the jear 1620, the first
<$argO of African Slaves was brought to the State"
of Virginia by a Dutch man-of-war, and soldv
The cargo consisted of only twenty Negroes.

At first, the increase of Negroes in the State of
Virginia was very slow ; for, at the end of thirty
years from the commencement of the trade, the
colony contained fifty whites for every black.
The niHnber of Slaves, however, rapidly increas* -
ed afterwards ; so much so, thai it was not long
before they were as numerous as the whites.

In the year 1671, Negro Slavery was introdu--
Ced into South-Carolina, by Sir John Yeamans^
who brought over a cargo from Barbadoes. Un-
like the other colonies, South-Carolina had Afri-
can Slaves from the beginning : and their increase
there was very rapid-; for, in a short while, they
exceeded the white population, in the proportion.
o£ twenty to twelve. This rapid increase, was
owing to the fact, ^hich very soon became appa-
rent, that exposure to the sun and severe toil in a'
hot climate — whilst in the highest degree un-
friendly to the constitution of the white man-^'
WM MPell adapted to the Negro, The Negro*

JKE0SO SLAVWBOC, 6$

.4Q«ms to hav6 been adapted by his Creator to a
aouthem climate ; for, in such climates alone does
he enjoy health, longerity, and general hardihood
of constitution. According to the census of the
tUnited States for 1840, mortality, and all diseases
among the colored population, increases as you ad-
vance north. This result may, in part, be owing
»to the wretched condition of the free Negroes at the
North : but this cause is not sufficient to account
jTor the whole phenomenon ; for eyen the free Ne^
groes in southern climates — whose condition is
equally wretched with that of the free Negroes at
the north — are in a much better condition, phys-
ically. The Creator has adapted the constitution
of particular animals and men, to particular local-
ities on the earth's surface. Thus the rein-deer
is adapted to the arctic regions ; lions, tigers, &e.,
to the tropical regions ; these animals, if taken
from their appropriate latitudes, will very soon
sicken, and die. The same is true of man; some
flourish best in the arctic regions — others in the
temperate — and others, again, in the equatorial
regions. The Caucasian flourishes best in the
northern portions of the temperate regions — the
Negro in the tropical, and southern portions of
the temperate — the copper races of men have
been commonly found occupying leti\t.Qx\a%» \YAfc^-

00 A DEFENCE or

mediate to the white and black. Hence it is ndt
surprising that Negro Slavery should have so ear-
ly taken root in the southern colonies of this con-
tinent — and have been so early resisted, and so
SOQU abandoned in the northern.

The Dutch, who settled New-York, engaged
largely in the Slave Trade ; but the climate of
this colony was found so very unfriendly to the
Negro constitution, that Negro Slavery never
flourished there as it did in the naore southern
colonies.

Negro Slavery was, at first, prohibited in Geor-
gia ; but afterwards, its necessity became so ap-
parent, that all parties concurred in the proprie-
ty of repealing the restrictive laws, and of estab-
lishing the institution.

The Slave Trade, which, from the beginning,
was encouraged by England and otlier European
nations, was most violently resisted by the Eng-
lish colonies in North- America. These colonies,
therefore, arc not at all answerable for any sin,
should there be any, which may have been con-
nected with the trade. The mother country con-
tinued the traffic in utter disregard of the repeat-
ed remonstrances of the colonies.

The first continental Congress that assumed
the power of legislation, which was in the year

SrSORO SLAVSBir. 01 *

1776, jRe«)Zt>e^, "That no Slaves be imported
into anj of the Thirteen United Colonies;" and
there has been, from that time until the present,
a continued opposition to the trade in this coun-
ti^j. Great Britain, on the conti^trj^did not pass
laws agamst this trade for a great number of years
afterwards. I shall, hereafter, most conclusively
prove that the opposition of England to Slavery,
and the Slave Trade, is not based upon philan-
thropic, but upon selfish motives. The great
mistake committed by her in the abolition of Sla-
very in the West Indies, and the great wish that
she has to promote • iju^^r tropical interests, gener-
ally — constitutes the leading motives, under the
guise of philanthropy, in iMs crusade against Sla-
very, and the Slave Trade. The letter of the
Hon. J. .C. Calhoun to Mr. King, contains many
interesting details on this subject, which will be '
freely used in a subsequent part of this work.- It
will bfe seen that England, being now fully aware
of the^reat blunder committed by her in abolish-
ing the institution of Slavery in the West Indies,
is desirous of repairing the injury done, by brin^- •
ing about abolition in the United States, and oth-
er countries having tropical possessions in com-
petition with her own.
The number of Negro Slaves in the United

M A BKFENCB OP

States has gradually increased until, in 1840, tlie
number was near three millions. Our laws hare
Jong since declared the Slave Trade, piracy;
and to be punished as such : nevertheless. Slaves
have continued to be smuggled into the Union at
'different points. This smuggling has been mostly
^carried on by foreigners, and in spite of the great-
est vigilance on the part of our Government.

The Slave Trade has been most generally con-
,demned, by even the advocates of Slavery ; but,
I think, without sufficient reflection. I do not
wish to be understood as justifying, for a moment,
the many cruelties said to have been committed
i)y those engaged in this trade. These I condemn
as heartily as the most determined opponent of
Slavery could desire. But notwithstanding this,
I do not hesitate for a moment in maintaining that
the Slave Trade has been the source of incalcu-
lable blessings to mankind. Just so far as Afri-
can Slavery in the United States is superior to
African Slavery as it exists in Africa — viewed in
its immediate condition and ultimate consequent
ces — just so much good has resulted from the
Slave Trade.

I have before remarked that the larger proper-
tion of the population of Africa are in a state of
perpetual, and most abject Slavery. And it is a

t^ell known &ct, that the larger number of them
which have been sold into foreign Slavery, were
in a state of Slavery in their own country : con-
sequently there is, in this respect, no injury done
to the African. He is equally, if not more free,
here, than he Was in Africa. They were sold by
their African owners to the Slave Traders ; and
by these latter, brought to this country and sold
to the planters. Kidnapping, has, no doubt, been
occasionally practised in Africa ; but the number
of Slaves obtained in this manner, have been very
few in comparison with the great number which
were obtained by purchase from their African

Masters.

• **
It has been oflen objected to the Sla\'«f Trade,

that it has been the source of wars^umong thb
natives— gotten up, and urged on, By%jeigners
— with the view of getting a supply' of Slaves.
This may have taken place to some extent;'" but
not with any thing like the frequency which has
been imagined. I have before remarked that the
several African tribes are in a state of perpetual
hostility, and that one of the maxims'of war among
them is, Exiermination or Slavery, The old, the
infirm, the helpless infant, and, in many instan-
ces, the female, are put to death ; and* that, too;

very often, in the most brutal mauuer% TV^ ^i^\^«

r

bodied men and womeijL axQ retained alive, and !
reduced to Slavery. They may, or may not sell
them into foreign Slavery : that will depend great-
ly upon the supply at home* Most intelligent
travellers agree that these wars would occur with
nearly the same frequency, if the Slave Trade .
had . never existed. But even admitting the &cl
that these wars have been rendered somewhal .
mpre frequent by the Slave Trade, there is an ad- ^
vantage resulting from this trade which will much
more than counterbalance this eviL Where Slaves
are very numerous in Africa, they are in a meas- .
m*e worthless to their owners ; consequently, no
regard is paid to their lives, or to their interest,
in any jwayv^^tOn^the death of a distinguished
n)an, thoussindfi^of these worthless Slaves are put-
to death, \n order thkt he. may have suitable at-
tejidance in the- future world. Now the foreign .
Slave Trade, by ^raising the value of the Slaves,
has greatly tended to prevent the destruction of
life in the, cases referred to — and has, in fiict,
greatly tended to ameliorate the condition of the .
Slave generally,. The number of Slaves put to
death in such cases, as, might be. inferred, will
be in proportion to their value : if they are valu-
able, and can, in consequence^ be sold at a high
price to foreigners, but few,. comparatively, will

be sacrificed ; but if^ on the contrary, the Slaves '
imve but little value on account of their great
numbers, th6 sacrifices are numerous. On some
<>ccasion6, thousands of Slaves are put to death,
i^ order to satisi^ the appetite of a merciless su-
perstition.

&ir drawing a parallel between Slavery in the '
United States, in Africa, and in other countries,
this subject will be resumed. I think it will be
fliade appear to the satisfaction of every candid
and intelligent person, that the African has gain-
ed much bj being transported to this country —
that his condition has been improved, physically,
intellectually, morally, religiously, and politically.
The Negro evidently enjoys a larger amount of
6needom even, than he did in his own country.

CHAPTER V.

AI>VAlfTA6ES OF StiAVERY AS IT EXISTS IN THE
SOUTHERN STATES OP THIS UNION.

Numerous important advantages result from ^
the institution of Slavery in this country, to which
J wiU »ow x^spectMly invite ikie'^cdtt^ti^u c& ^0^^

96 - A DSPSIVCIT CW

reader. These advantages embrace the SSstrev
the Master, the Country, and the World, general'
\y ; or at least, that part of it holding commercial
iatercourse with the United States.

I. The Sla\-e. — The advantages to the Slave
are very great —
I ist. The Negro Slave is contented and happy
in his present condition. If the Negro Slave felt
himself degraded in his condition of Slavery, and
was, in consequence, discontented and imhapjpy,
this alone would poison every enjoyment. But
such is not the fact : he is contented and happy,
and feels not the slightest degree of degradation
in his condition. He knows that color, and hiy
natui*al inferiority, have erected an impassable bar-
rier between him and the white man ; he, there-
fore, never thinks of aspiring to an equality with
him.

It has been remarked by almost every one who
has visited the South, and made himself acquaint-
ed with the condition of our Slaves, that there i«
more light-hearted joyousness among them, than
among any similar number of people in the world.
Having been born at the South, and reared on a
plantation, I have enjoyed a fair opportunity of
knowing the character and state of mind of our
Slaves, I have ever found tU^ SVw?^^ swwalented.

^ppy, light-hearted, and full of amusement. The
oldest Negroes never get old in their feelings;
■but they continue light-hearted, and full of sport
to the last. Even when worn down by age and
.infirmity so as to be unable to get about, thej
still continue contented and happy in their feel-
ings — ^as ready as ever to tell stories, and make
merryu.

( This state of happiness is only true of the Ne-
^ro when in Slavery ; for free Negroes are ths
.most unhappy creatures upon earth. Many of
them, even after having purchased their freedom,
become so discontented and unhappy as to desire
ardently to be again restored to a state of Slavery.
It is almost needless to contrast the contented,
fiappy state of our blacks, with the discontented,
.unhappy state of the operatives in other countries.
Speeches of members of Parliament in England,
reports of committees of the House, reports of
special committees appomted by town and county
meetings to examine into the condition of the poor,
and reports of commissioners of the poor, present
us with a horrid picture of society in England.
In many parts of the realm, nearly one half of
the population are on the pauper list. In somA
|>laces, the tax on land to support the poor is so

. iieavy, that Sknae ar^ Yoluntarily abiwv3iQ.Tka^ Vfis^

their owners, on account of their inability fo pfj
•} the tax»

/Besides the paupers m England, there is a vepf
large class—- probably more than half the popu-
/ lation — on the very ^lerge of pauperism ; the least
reduction of their wages, or any depression in bu-
siness, has the effect di reducing them to a state
of want. On account of this state of things, there
is almost a universal state of discontent among
the people : this leads them frequently to acts of
violence — such as tearing up bridges, burning
houses, and other acts of violence of a similar
character. To keep the people in a state of obe-
dience, a standing army is always necessary.
How different the state of things in this country \
Here, no standing army is necessary to keep any
portion of our population, white or black, in a
state of obedience to the laws. We do not, in
most parts of the Union, especially South, keep
up even an efDcient patrol ; and yet there are no
outbreaks, or insubordination of any kind, among^
any portion of our people. But —

2d. Slavery is beneficial to the Negro in a Uc*

ligious point of view. Our Slave population can*

not, at this time, be less than three millions of

souls ; and of this number, at the lowest possible

, estimate, we have six hundred thousand Chuxch

*'"coftnftuntcaiits. Four tirnfes this number regular-
ly attend Divine service : thus we have at least
two millions of Slaves, who regularly attend

s preaching. Nearly one half of some of our most
'popular religious denominations, are colored per-
sons.

In proportion to numbers, <5ur Negroes are not
in the least behind the whites in religious zeal
and activity. Our blacks, in fiict, have very
strong religious sentiments -^possess great ear-
estness and zeal in their religious devotions, and
in the discharge of the practical duties growing
out of their religious profession. Infidelity among
them is almost entirely unknown, even where they
are well-informed in Christianity. I need hardly
repeat that this sin is exceedingly common among
the white?, especially at the North, and more es-
pecially still, in the good abolition city of Boston.
Our Negroes have religious advantages alto-
gether superior to the laboring population of any
country in Europe j and equal to the common class
of operatives in our Northern States. The large

' majority of our black population have the advan-

' tage of listening to white preachers, as often as
most people desire to hear preaching at all ; and
besides, they have meetings of their own as of-

.ten as they^ pka«e, at wfek\i4^\st^\iW^.^xM«^^

^^ <-

100 A^DEFBNCB OB

■V

and exhortations by preachers of their own colons
and many of their preachers being able to read,
are enabled to expound the Scriptures, so as rery
much to enlighten their less informed brethren.
TJie great body of our colored population living
in the vicinity of towns, have the advantage of
hearing preaching as often as they wish : in some
parts of the country they have not this advantage,
but in this particular they are not in the least be-
hind the whites, for all are exactly in the same
situation. But every one able to go about, can
hear preaching once in two, weeks, or once in a
month at fiirthest. In most cases where the Ne-
groes, from any cause, are deprived of regular
preaching, they have meetings of their own, and
regular services by persons of their own color.

Missipnaxics. are now regularly sent among the
blacks in all cases where they live remote from
places of regular worship. In many cases, Mas-
ters owning- a large number of Slaves, will build
meeting-houses, and employ preachers them-
selves to preach to their Negroes. In some parts
of th0 country. Sabbath Schools are opened on
every Sabbath day for the benefit of the Negroes,
and this would have been almost universal but fox
the interference of abolitionists : so these friends
of the Negro may thank themselves for tl^s r%-

^ ZTBGSO gLATB»r. IQl

«triction of the privileges of the Negro. Manj
of our Negroes can read the New Testament as
well as the great mass-.' of uneducated whites ;
and even where they cannot read, they acquire
an extent of Scripture knowledge which is truly
surprising^ Having nothing but memory to de-
pend upon, they retam with more tenacity than
evjen the educated among the whites.

We have, in this town, six different Churches
belonging to as many different denominations of
/Christians. In all of these Churches we have
Divine service from two to four times every week,
and in all of them provision is made for the ac-
commodation of the colored people : and what is
more, they are not only permitted, but urged to
attend, by their Masters ; for all at the South are
aware of the difference between religious and ir-
ireligious Negroes. The most devout of our
Slaves are the most faithful and honest in the dis-
charge of their duties to their Masters. The Ne-
groes generally avail themselves of the opportiv-
nity of attending preaching, especially on Lords-
day afternoon^ when, in thi^ ahd most other townj,
special preaching is held for their benefit. In
two of the largest denominations of this place,
special preaching to the Negroes, on Sunday, is
never neglected ; and the re^uk ia> VWV.Vijv^isNSSir

^ ber of black conunuRicants is very numerouei : "bi
- one Church they number several hundred, and in
V another nearly an equal number. From this
statement of facts, the conclusion follows that xmi
Slave population possess very high religious ad-
vantages, and that their actual religious condition
is equal to that of the great body of the labor-
ing population of most European countries, and
not much inferior to the laboring population ^f

• the Northern States of this Union.

One fact on this subject I vish to impress : it
is this — that all the missionary operations since
1534, when Loyola, in the subterranean chapel
of the monastery of Montmartre, bound several
disciples by vows of poverty and ch.istity, to de-
vote their lives to the conversion of the Heathen,
cannot produce three millions of human beings
reclaimed from Heathenism. They cannot, in
fact, produce one-half, nor even one-third of that
number, embracing the original converts and their
descendants.
. There never has occurred any considerable num*

* ber of conversions from Heathenism to Christian-
ity, since the few first ages after its establishment.
The larger number of Christians in the world,
are the offspring of the regular and natural in-

> crease of population. The ftam^ as Itwe of Hi*

5?rgreat religious -reformation in the sixteenth cen-
tury, under the .auspices of Martin Luther and
Philip Melancthon. The same, in fact, is true of

r lall great reformations : they are at first embraced
by a few, afterwards by a larger number, who

'. are ripe for reformation ; but in the course of one

- or two ages, no further inroads are made into the
ranks of its enemies. This is owing to several
causes which I have not time at present to men-
tion. One of these causes may be the deep-root-
ed prejudices engendered between the parties, as
the result of the heated contests between them.
The most important results are, therefore, to be
expected from a natural increase of population.

In the present state of the world, no accessions
of any value are to be expected to the ranks of
Christianity, from the worn out dynasties of the
eastern world. The population of all Heathen
countries is too deeply sunk in ignorance and su-
perstition to be solidly converted to Christianity.
Is ther« no chance, then, to convert the Heathen
world to Christianity T I answer. None, that I
can imagine. Nevertheless, the time is rapidly
approaching when protestant. Christianity will
spread over the whole earth. This conclusion is
based upon the condition of the Heathen and
Catholic world : sdl Heat\xeii^ ^% ni^ ^% Tssa'^^

1D4 ▲ DBFBKGB OF ^

Catholic countries, are in a worn out^ sinking
state. They will continue to .decline, until, by
an inevitable law of destiny, they will disappear
fi*oni the face of the earth, and their places will b«
ctecupied by the prot^stant Christian, who, at this
time, constitutes the only poijtion of the- human
family in a progressive state.

The change of the three millions of Africans in
this country from the darkness of African idolatry
to the light of Christianity, is the most wonderfiil
achievement of modern times — far transcending,
in my humble conception, the great reformation
in tlie sixteenth century.

In order that we may see this subject in its fuU
force, I will direct attention for a few moments to
the religion of the African in his native country.
This subject has already been alluded to, but with
a different view : I therefore hope to be pardoned
for again calling attention to it. I have already
mentioned that the religious ideas of the African
are lower than those of any other people : hii
raawsoning faculties have never yet been sufficients
Ij^ developed to form a single rational spiritual
conception. He sees nothing in the universe but
material forms, and to' these he pays the homage
due only to the Creator. Animals, plants, and
eyen inanimate objects, are selected, as the o>>

meuo sLAVEKr. 105

jecfts of his adoration. I bare already alluded to
one of the results of African -superstition— I al-
lude to the great destruction t)f life that follows
the death of their distinguished men. I quote
the following passage on'this subject from No. 16
of Harper's Family Library — p. 235 :

"There is only one point on whifch his faith
assumes a savage character, and displays darker
than inquisitorial horrors. The hope of an im-
morfal destiny, dimly working in the blinded hu-
man heart, leads to the wildest errors. The de-
spot — the object of boundless homage on earth
— seeks to transport all his pomp, and tile crowds
of his attendants, to his pljice in the future world.
His death must be celebrated by the correspond-
ing sacrilice of a numerous band of Slaves — of
wives, and of courtiers : their blood must water
his grave — and the sword of the rude warrior
once drawn, does not readily stop. A general
massacre often takes place, and the capitols of
these rude Barbarian chiefs afe seen to stream
with blood."

We are informed by Mungo Park, that on one
occasion, three thousand victims were sacrificed
at the tomb of ^the mother of an Ashantee king*;
and afterwards, two hundred Slaves weekly, for
the space of two months. Similar instances of
wholesale slaughter are mentioned by others.
What a difference between th© i^\.\%\o\xa <:,\i\i^v^\v

/

of the African in his*native country, and the Af*
rican iu a state of bondage in the United States !
In his native countiy, the Negro is the victim of '
a degrading and horrid superstition : in the United-
States, he enjoys all the -privileges of the Gospel
of Peace, the whole tendency of which is to pro-
mote " peace on earth and good will among men,"
But: the -comparison need not be confined to the
naitte African — it may be extended to the free
Negro in the Northern States, to a portion of the
whites, and to the laboring population of £ngland ^
and other countries.

According to the census of 1840, the number '
of colored persons in the non-elaveholding States
amounted to one hundred and seventy thousand,
seven hundred and twenty. Among this number
we ought to find, if we were to judge from the
zeal manifested by our opponents, some consider- '
able degree of devotion to the cause of Christian- -
ity. We might reasonably expect to find in the
Methodist connexion — the largest of all our reli-
gious denominations,. North as well as South-— a
TOTjr full proportion of black members. But what
aie the facts of the case ? Let us hear what, Dr.
Bascoh says, one of the most enlightened, can-
did, and distinguished of the Methodist clergy : -% «

♦'Notwithstanding," saysi^he " the. thousandf qS--^

firee Negroes withih their iiihits, all the abolition,
ism, love of the Negro, hatred of Slavery — all -.
the perverted facts, distorted statements, declama-
tory defamation^ and, in some instances, honest '
and able appeals, connected with an interminable
array of newspaper and pamphlet warfare, con- -
ventions, meetings, lectures, agents, and importa-
tion of foreign aid — all these, within the wide-
spread territory of New-Erigland, Providence,
Maine, Vermont, and New-Hampshire Conferen-
ces, have not brought a solitary Negro into the
Methodist Episcopal Church ; at least, to remain
there long enough to be reported. So say the
ministers of the current year. How — why is
this? Here is the Negro — the free Negro, in
the free and happy North. Here, too, are his own
dear friends — his patrons, benefactors — laboring
aa above for his good, day and night, and even
the Sabbath not intermitting the struggle — and
yet, Heaven-favored as he is, in the very Goshen
of the moral world, with a superfluity of blessings
for himself, and the popular curse piled mountain
high upon his oppressor — the incorrigible Negro
is^not converted! none of them can be got into
the Church — no not one. Turn now to the Troy,
Black River, Erie, Oneida, Michigan,' Rock Riv-
er, Genesee, North Ohio, Illinois — nine Confer-
ences : in all these, we have less thajti a thousand
Negroes in the Churcbv"* ^

Did I not fear to tire the jead0t, I could-, prove
'*' Bascom's Review of the3!l^th(>duat:C^UQ'<(«sfi»l ^t"^* ^^>

]r08 A DEFENCB OF

. from the census of 1840, that the free Negroes
.J|(LsCt the North are guilty of more crimes in propois
'/ tion to numbers, than any similar number of indi-
viduals in the United States. Our Slaves, in fact,
are not guilty of one -tenth of the crimes which
are committed by the free Negroes at the North.
I think it probable that it could be made appear,
that the few free Negroes in the free States, are
guilty of more crimes than our whole black pop-
ulation. An able writer, in an article on the cen-
sus of 1840, published in the Southern Literary
Messenger, (June, 1843) has made some very ju-
dicious remarks on the condition of the colored
population, North and South. I do not deem it
necessary to go with him through 'his very able
analysis, as this would be tedious and imnecessa-
ry : I will content Ynysclf with giving some of his
conclusions :

" 4th. That the free blacks of the non-slave-
holding States, are vicious to an enormous extent,
and, in many of those States, dwindling, whilst
the Slaves hi the other States are increasing in a
rapid ratio,
^ " 5th. That the vices of the free blacks have

increased in proportion to the time which has
elapsed since their emancipiiiion.'' — ^^p. 351.

All reliable authorities agree that tlie condition

of most of the free bkc4is at tho North, is any

KEORO SLAVtSRlF. 109

thing but enviable : they are Viciotis, degraded,
and consequently pay but little attention to Chris-
tianity, or even to the rules of ordinary morals.
No candid mind, with a full view of all the facts
in the case, can come to any other conclusion
upon this subject, than the one to which I have
arrived, viz : that the religious state of our
Slaves is infinitely better than that of the free
Negroes in the non-slaveholding States.

The religious condition of a large number of
whites at the North, is by no means enviable.
Infidelity has taken deep root among them ; Infi-
del papers are published in Boston, New- York,
and other places, and large numbers not oj
fess the soul-destroying principles of InlSteL
but run into the hoiTors of Atheism. Evef^«fc§fog ;*,
in the shape of religious error, finds ready aav<j.- ""
cates in the Northern States. Neology, Mormon-
ism, German Transcendentalism, and a host of
other religious errors, take root and flourish lux-
uriantly in almost every city at the North.
• Besides this, there are immense numbers of
degraded wretches of both sexes, about the large
cities there, that never hear preaching from one
end of the year to the other. There are two
grades of society that seem equally unfriendly to

moral and religioua improvement— VXi'ft \ii^^^

S

110 AMMIFBNOa OF "■

and the lowest: the two extremes. The highest
class aie too intently engaged in the pursuit of
fortune, fame, pleasure, or some other object of-
worldly note, to pay much attention to Christian- .
ity. Too many objects, having no reference to
religion, engage their attention, to allow much,
time for religious reflection.

The lowest class, ou^he contrary, are frequent- •
ly too deeply sunk in vice, or too much engaged
in. those avocations which are necessary to supplj
their daily wants, to give much attention to the
subject of religion.. This class of persons are
generally discontented , and unhappy: they con-
itrac^deep and inveterate hatred against society;
; *«t^Ml£against the prosperous portion of it : they .
, ^fliki^iiie that th^ are badly treated ; hence they
are apt to become misanthropic— <- and finally fall
into a state of recklessness, which generally leads
to intoxication, and other kindred vices. The
Northern cities are filled with persons of this de-
scription : hence the great numbers who disre-
gard Christianity in that portion of our Union.

Our Slaves never fall into this unfortunate con-

/dition : being provided for by their Masters, and
being contented with their situation, they have
nothing on their minds which would prevent a
proper attention to religious subjects. The inter-

IfSGSO SLAVBBT. W^

i&sl of the Master, too, protects the montls, as well
418 the health of the Slave : hence our SlavM nev-
•r indulge t<» any extent in those vices which ruin
«o many of the white race.

In England, the great mass of the population
are poor, degraded, vicious, ignorant, and unhap-
py,, beyond measure. They are too poor and de-
graded, and consequently too unhappy, to pa^
much attention to Christianity. In the city of
I«ondon, alone, there arc not less than two hund-
red thousand persons, who do not know in the
morning where they are to procure the first mor-
sel of bread for the day. Nearly the whole of
this large number are sunk into the lowest vioe
jknd misery. They are thieves, pick-pockets, cast-
off prostitutes, drunkards^ and the vicious oi eve-
ry grade and character. Nor does this complete
the sum of vice and misery in the city of London :
a large majority of the population are vicious and
unhappy to an alarming extent. Christianity is
neglected by the great body of the population,
and Infidelity is extensively prevalent among all
ranks.

The religious condition of the great mass of
society throughout the British Empire, is but little
letter than what is stated above of the society of
London* HvakdiedLB and thousauda^ eick^^ai^^^ Ssw

112 A mrsvccfi or

the coal-pits, and other similar occupations, hare
never crcn heard of the being: of a Goid, of Jssvtf
Christ, or of the Christian Religion I Docu-
ments could be furnished in proof of this, were
it necessary ; bat I regard it as ridiculous in the
extreme, to attempt any comparison between such
a population in a religious point of view, and the
Slaves of the Southern States.

Similar r<j marks are applicable to the peasant-
ry of France, and, indeed of every other Europe-
an country. In Russia, there are forty millions
of Slaves. In Spain and Italy, poverty and dis-
tress, vice and crime, prevail to a great extent.
In Austria and Prussia, the governments are pure
despotisms : hence a high standard of religious
and moi-al worth is not to be expected in those
/ countries.
yr"^- 3d. The institution of Slavery is morally bene-
' \ ficial to our Negroes. Some may object to any
distinction between morality and religion ; but
the distinction is real, and not arbitrary — for a
l>erson may be religious and not moral, or the re-
verse. What I have said, however, in reference
to the religious condition of our Southern Ne-
groes, will supercede the necessity of saying much
respecting their morals ; for though the subjects
ATO in many respects diffeteid, tKe^ «xe nfivcTtlie.

7«B6S0 BLATBST. 113

lesi to intimateljr connected, tkat thej caimot be
well repeated in our descriptions. There are
some points which have not been yet touched, to
which I would most respectfully invite the atten-
tion of the reader in this connexion.

There is one vice that the whites indulge to a
great extent, that our Negroes are, in a mcasjuco,
(ree from : I allude to the vice of drunkeimess.
This is, probably, not owing to any thing peculiar
in the constitution of the Negro — for this proba-
bly would incline him to drink — but to several
cUfierent causes, some of which grow out of his
position as a Slave. The state of restraint under
which he is kept by his Master — moral and reli-
gious motives with some — the want of means
necessary to purchase ardent spirits — and the ab-
iience of tliose strong temptations which are so
influential in leading the lower class of white
persons to drink, may be set down as the ofTicient
causes in promoting temperance among the blacks.
Whatever may be the cause, a habit of sobriety
is formed that continues through life. It is true,
I know Negroes that drink too much ; some of
them habitually, others only at times : but this is
to be expected, in a black population of two or
three millions* But in this respect, there is no
comparison between our blacks and any whito

114 ji DSFBNcm tnr

jpopulation that I hare erer seen, or beard fX,
Nearly all Indians are dnmkards, and the larger
number of the lower class of whites about the
•cities. In England, Ireland, and Scotland, this
-vice prevails to a verj great extent among the
Gommon people.
A/^-Poor, ignorant, and degraded persons, -of all
Afcolors, when pressed by want and misery, will
resort to the bottle, when they have it in their
power to do so. 'They do this in order to procure
a temporary oblivion of their misery. When the
animal powers of man are michecked by mora!
sentiment or intellect,, or external control, they
will run riot with the individual, and necessarUy
lead to vicious Indulgences-: hence the amount
of crime among the low and the ignorant — and
hence, again, the beneficial <efiectB df Slavery in
keeping in check, and within the bounds of mor>
ality, a population so little advanced as our Ne-
groes.

v Sexual crimes are thought to be very common
"nGnong our blacks. Every ISnglish tourist — es-
pecially the female portion of them, have dwelt
upon this feature of Southern Slavery, with pecu-
liar gusto : and it must be acknowledged^ that our
Negroes — like others in their rank of life — are
guilty of this crime to a very considerable extents

KfiOSO SLAVBKY. 11&

^ ftt'all societies, where the loss of character is not
the result of such practiceSy^we Hitfjr* expect- their

prevalence. The error consists in making it the
peculiar incident of Slavery ; whereas, it is equal-
ly, if not more common, in all societies, whether
free or otherwise, not more elevated than our
blacks.

Nevertheless, I feel satisfied that the extent of
the vice among our Slaves, has been greatly over*
rated. Most of our Slaves Irve «i the country on
the plantations of their Masters, where they early
marry, and live as happily together as any people
in the woiAd. Having no apprehensions about
supporting themselves tind ^milies, they marry
much earlier than the great mass of poor whites,
and are, m consequence, much -less exposed to
sexual vices than this tlass.

I have already menftioned' that the number of
communicants among our blacks, cannot be less
than six hundred thousand souls. Amdng this
number, you 'will find as many chaste men and
women, as you will find among any similar num-
ber- of people in the woiid. A colored female
Iwho belongs to a Church, will resist any attempt
to destroy her virtue as strenuously as the most
Virtuous white woman in the world.

About the towns and villages, this vice does

116^ A DEFENCE 09

prevail to some extent, among the blacks; but
not e\'en there, half to the extent that the oppo-
nents of Slavery would have us believe. Everj
town and city at the South, of any size, is amply
supplied with " ladies of easy virtue,^^ from the
" land of steady habits,^^ with whom the sexual
appetite finds ample gratiiication. Unlike any
other part of the world, the white ladies of the
South are almost universally virtuous. Such a
thing as a sexual crime is almost entirely un-
known among them. This is, in part, owing to
the existence of Slavery among us— in part to
the high sense of character resulting from this
cause — and, lastly, to the easy circumstances of
the large body of our population.

In the Northern States of this Union, in Eng-
land, in France, and in many other countries,
there is little or no virtue amonff the lowest class
of women. Their position is such, that no los&
of character results from prostitution : hence they
all, more or less, indulge in this "vice. Their po-
sition, in fact, for the time being, is bettered, by
this indulgence ; for they are thus enabled to sup-
ply themselves with such necessaries as their sit.
nation requires — whereas, if they had continued
in a course of well-doing, their situation would
hare been one of b^peless poverty. Go, for in-.

NEORO 6LAVEBT. 117

Stance, ta one of our large Northern cities — New
York, Philadelphia, or Boston — take a poor girl
that lives by her needle i constant labor during
the day, and part of the night, will baiely suffice
to buy the merest necessaries. If she has a help-
less father, mother, brother, or si^er, to share her
earnings, distress is inevitable. In this situation,
a tempting offer is made : if she will agree to sell
herself, she can get money and supply all her
wants — if she resolves to live virtuously, hope-
less toil and poverty is her lot through life. IIow
many poor girls do you suppose would continue
virtuous, under such circumstances ? Some may
resist for a time, and resolve to continue virtuous
— but in almost every instance they will yield, at
length.

We have here the reason why prostitution is
more common at the North, in England, and in
other countries, than it is at the South. Our fe-
Dialcs are placed in circumstances more favora-
ble to virtue than those at^ the North, dec. The
temptation of poverty which exists there docs not
exist here — at least, to any considerable extent
-!— for no female at the South need sell her virtue
to procure the means of living.

There is one fact in connexion with this subject,
that ought to be mentioned. It is thia : all \Llk.U.

IIB X'DIFENCB «V

' connexions' between the -^hitesT" and Uacks which

' result in offspring,' are infallibly detected on ac-
count of tbte color. ' If we had in other places, u
sign by which we "cooM its iMal&ldj detect*the

' rice when indulged in between 'whites, it would

be an easy matter to exhibit a much larger list of

such vices among them, than we can at present.

*In 'Africa,' there is scarcely such a thing known

as rirtue among the females. Major Laing in-

»fonns us, that—

"Iilfidelity of the Soolima women is a never
failing source of litigation here, as well as other
countries where, for »want of being treated with
due respect, they iiave no 'character to uphold.
Like all other. African- females, they are loose in
morals, as I could perceive from their numerous
palavers which ^were brought before the Iwg.
This is precisely thecase' in every part of Kaffer-
land : quarrels and prosecutions tire continually
springing from the very same s^uree."

'Were it necessary, I couid' quote any number
•df facts on this ^libject from authentic British
sources, showing the state of morals in this par-
ticular among the females in the British isles.
r could easily show that prostitution prevails to u
very great extent in every city throughout th«
British : En^pire. I • must, however, pass on U»
Mcr considerations.

/

'^4th. The in^itution of Slaveiy has been bene-
ficial to the Negro in an inteUectmd point of view.
The world may be ransacked in vain for a simi-
lar instance of intellectuar improrement, in the
same length of time, among a ssEvage people. In
a little more than two centuries, our Negroe*
have advanced from the lowest state of savage-
ism, to a state of comparative civilization. Ko
similar instance can be found in history— nor,
hafid the Slaves been free, would they have mad©
even a start to waiti^r their present condition. The
transition from the savage to the civilized state
is always slow in the extreme. Nations have
their minority as well as individuals : the differ-
ence is, that the minority of an individual is twen-
ty or twenty-one years, whilst that of a nation
may be centuries. The change from the savage
to' the civilized state .requires a great change in
organization — which, x)f' course, can be effected
only afler the lapse of. centuries.

We have a very striking example^of this in the
Indians of this country. No tribe living remote
from the white settlements have made the slight-
est advance in civilization ; and the improvement*
made by those living in contact with the whites,
have been neutralized by tibe vices which they
have contracted.

120 A DSFENCB OF

Schools have been established among the In-
dians — missionaries have been stationed among
them — and, to some extent, they enjoyed associa-
tion with the whites ; yet they have not improved
at all in comparison with our Slaves. Some few
Indians have acquired a good education — some
few have embraced Christianity; but the great
body of them are as ignorant as they ever were,
and far more vicious — for they have contracted
our vices, without imitating our virtues. A sav-
age, left to himself, is a pitiable being — is a poor
wanderer, without chart or helm, upon a boister-
ous and stormy sea..

To show the intellectual benefits which the Ne-
groes have derived from Slavery in this country,
I will quote the following passage from a highly
interesting work:

" The intellectual character of the people of
this continent, presents a peculiar and remarkable
doflciency. If we except the Etliiopic language,
which is seemingly of Arabic origin, and the un-
known characters probably Phoenician, inscribed
by the Tuonics on their dark rocks, there is not
a tincture of letters or of writing among all the
aboriginal tribes of Africa. There is not a hie-
roglyphic or symbol — nothing corresponding to
the painted stories of Mexico, or the knotted quu
pos of Peru. Oral communications form the only
channels by which thought can be traBsmittsd

KBORO SLATERT. 121

froDrt one country and one age to another. The
lessons of time — the experience of ages, do not
exist for the natives of this vast continent,"*

Slavery is a necessaiy precursor of civilization.
It gives habits of industry — improves the physi-
cal man, and tames those ^vild propensities and
passions which always control the actions of sav-
age man. The feudal Slavery of the middle ages
prepared man for the splendid superstructure of
modem civilization : the Slavery of Prussia pre-
pared the mass of that people for the present high
civilization which they enjoy. But little more
than forty years have elapsed since the Prussian
serfs were liberated : nevertheless, within that
short period, they have become the most refined
and best educated people in Europe. But for the
habits of industry, economy, virtue, and the thor-
ough mental discipline acquired by them during
their state of serfdom, they never could, in ho
short a time, have made such rapid advances in
civilization.

The forty millions of Russian serfs are in a
eourse of preparation which will prepare them,
not only for freedom, but for the highest and most

* Harper's Family Library, No. 16— p. 233. ^ This
work was written by Prof. Jenieson, James Wlkoa
IRaq,, and Hugh Morrej.

1M2 A^DBFSNCS OF

refined civilization; When the Anglo-American
shall have peopled the continent of North- Ameri-
ca, and shall,- &om' the density of the population,
jfind it difficult to procure the means of subsist-
ence — and when the various tribes of Asia shall
have sunk into the condition of wandering sava-
ges — there will he meet the Russian, who will
have advanced from the north, and people together
these vast regions. Hut to return to the subject :

I do not wish to be understood as maintaining
that our Negroes would ever reach any very high
degroe of civilization, for I have already proven
their inferiority ; but I do reasonably expect of
them the attainment of a point ^f civilization. far
beyond any thing yet reached by them ; and this
result will be ascribable to the schooling which
they have received whilst in a state of Slavery.

Some few of our Slaves can read and write ;
but for good and substantial reasons, this extent
of education is not in general allowed. Nearly
the whole of our black population, as before re-
marked, have the benefit of regular moral. and
religious instruction : some of them are put to
trades, and make good mechanics ; and nearly all
the field hands become good farmers. These are
all important branches of Education — by far the
in(f0t important (or Buch a people \ tke^ <^kken

KSOSO BULVSST. 123

and develope the mental ]powers, and give aptness
in the use of mechanical tools and in the rarious
implements of husbandry.

Many persons place an undue estimate upon^
reading, as though' nothing could be learned in
any other way. This is a great error, which has
g;reatly tended to impaiE.tMe utility of our systems
of education. Too much attention is given to -
mere book-learning, and too little to reflection ■
and observation. The result of this is, that the ^
mind never attains the growth of full manhood,
but ever remains sickly and cramped in its pow-
ers. It must not, therefore, be inferred that our
Negroes know nothing, biecause they cannot read,
nor must it be supposed that every white man <
that can read, is therefore educated. The great
mass of white laborers in the Union are such poor
readers, that they really derive but little benefit
from it ; and such must necessarily be the caao
with persons whose whole time is given to hard
manual drudgery. A man who is compelled by
his necessities to work from twelve to siitecn
hours a day, has but little time, and less disposi-
tion to read. Such persons, therefore, never prof-
it much by reading.

6th. Slavery has voliticc dlv benefited the Ne-
gro. I take for granteo, what I ^x^vxcm^ i\q S)>\!i^%

124 ▲ DEFENCE OF

will pretend to deny, that no part of the African
population of the world, is prepared to live under
a free government like this. They must, there-
fore, live under an absolute government of some
sort, either in Africa, America, or some where else.
The population of the globe has been estima-
ted at from eight to nine hundred millions. Of
this number a small proportion only are prepared
for free government ; probably, not one-tenth.
No part of the African population of the world is
capable of sustaining free institutions. From the
remotest antiquity, the Negroes have occupied a
servile position, as they do in this country. Dr.
S. G. Morton, of Philadelphia, probably the
ablest writer on the new science of Ethnography
living, says that —

" Negroes were numerous in Egypt, but their
social position in ancient times was the same as
it now is — that of servants and Slaves/'

I start from the position then, that the Negroes
would not be benefited by a free government, as
they are not in possession of the intellectual and
moral power necessary to sustain such a govern-
ment. In speaking, then, cf the political advan-
tages of the Slaves here, we must contrast their
position with that of the Negroes in Africa, and
with the g^orernment wlucVi \.\ie^' vfovid w&cesea-

f

IVfiGRO SLAVSBT. 1*25

rily form, if liberated. Our Slaves are 8ubje<^
to It despotic govemmeRt, but it is not an abso-
lute despotism ; for the Negro has his rights which
are as firmly 'protected hj law, as those of his
Master. But the law is not his onlj protection :
he has other very efficient guarantees of good
treatment — the interest of his Master, his hu-
manity, his "friendship — and last, though not least,
public sentiment. Public sentiment bears strong-
ly at this time in favor of good treatment to Slaves,
and any man who has the inhumanity to treat his
Slaves with unnecessary harshness, may expect
the disapprobation of the public.

Killing a Slave is punishable with deatli in all
the Slave States. Formerly this was not tha
case in some of the States ; but in all such cases,
I believe, new enactments have been pasJ|Bd ^-
posing the same penalty for killing *^i;^^iye^j,a.
for killing a white man. And public smtraent ^
is strongly in favor of executing the law in aU*
cases where Negroes are murdered by white men.,
I have in my mind at this time a wealthy man of •
this county, who forfeited his bond of twenty thou-
sand dollars and fled the country, rather than stand
his trial for murdering one of his Slaves, though
the proof was not conclusive that the murder was

wantonly committed. Our laws in this particular
9

i

126: A'-DEFSNGB OF.

are more Jbumane than were the laws of ancient
j^ome — than even the laws of the Old Testament
-^for those allowed the Master in some cases to
take the life of his Slave without any particular
penalty. Greatly maltreating a slave is punish-
able with fine and imprisonment.

But the Slave has a sure protection, in the iru
terest of the Master; no sovereign ever had the
same interest to extend kind treatment to his sub-
jects. The Master knows from experience, that
the efficiency and usefulness of his Slaves will de-
pend in a great measure upon the treatment which
they receive from him.

I have already mentioned a peculiar trait of the
Negro character which causes him to rosist any
aSempt to force him to peribi-m more than a rea-
' 6onabl^ aiihount of service. A harsh, cruel, and
unreal6h£Cbte Master, will soon tind to his cost,
'that t|l?i^'isest, and most economical plan, is to
require' of his SlaveS only a reasonable amount
of service. All Masters, after a while, learn this
lesson ;■ consequently, all become more reasona-
ble in their demands upon the service of their
Slaves.

As all Masters have a special regard to their
interest, they will, of course, do whatever is ne-
cessary to promote the physical well-being of

KfefeKO slavery: 12T*

tteir Slaves. They will supply them with prop- .
er food, clothing, with suitable lodging, and will
particularly guard against any wide departure from
strict morality, such as drinking too much, and .
other similar vices. All this the Master will do,
and much more, from motives of self-interest,
without the slightest reference to the principles
of humanity or friendship.

But wiU not these latter motives likewise influ-
ence his conduct to^^^ards his Slaves ? Most as-
suredly : the Master and the Slave form one fam- ,
ily — they are frequently reared together — and of
course must feel towards each other the kindly
sympathies of our nature. This is natural : we
are apt to contract a degree of friendship for all
with whom it is our destiny to pass the journey
of life, whether black or white, Eveii prior to
experience, simply from a knowledge of humanity
alone, we would be justified in the conclusion that
the government of the Southern Master over his
Slave, would resemble more a patriarchal govern-
ment, than that of a harsh and cruel despotism :
and such is the actual fact. Our Slaves through-
out the South, with but slight exceptions, are
abundantly supplied with every thing necessary to
their welfare and comfort, in- the shape of food,
clothing, lodging, <S£C. When sick, l\ve>j Vn^n'^

128 A DEFENCE OF

e^very necessary attention from the "whites of tht
family, and suitable medical attendance.

One result of Southern Slavery should be men*
tioned in this place. I allude to that nearness
and kindly sympathy which the relation en^en-
ders. This, on the part of the Master, is height*
oned from a knowledge of the fact that the Slave
can never be his rival in any of the puri^its of
life ; consequently, there cannot e^ist that feeling
/)f hostility and jealousy which rivalry oflen cre-
ates. I quote on this subject the following very
interesting extract from De TocauBViLLE :*

" It is true, that in the North of the Union,
marriages may be legally contracted between Ne-
groes and whites ; but public opinion would stig-
matize a man who should connect himself with
a Negress, as infamous, and it would be difficult
tp meet with a single instance of such a imion.
The electoral franchise has been conferred upon
the Negroes in almost all of the States in which
Slavery has been abolished; but if they come
forward to vote, their lives are in danger. If op-
pressed, they may bring an action at law; but
they will find none but whites pmong their judges :
and although they may by law serve as jurors,
prejudice repulses them from that office. The
same schools do not receive the child of the black
and of the European. In the theatres, gold can-

* Democracy in America— Part I. pp. 389, 390.

hot procure a seat for the servile race beside their
former Masters: in the hospi&ls they lie apari;
and although they aire allowed to invoke the same
Divinity as the whites, it' lAust be at A different
altar, and in tbeir own Churches, with their owh
clergy. The gates of Heaven are hot closed
against' these unhappy beings ; but theif inferior-
ity is continued to th(5 very confindis of the other
world. When the Negro is defimct, his bones
^re cast aside, and the distinction of condition
prevails even in the equality of death. The Ne-
gro is free ; but he can share neither the rights,
nor the pleasures, nor the labors, nor the afllic-
lions, nor the tomb of him whose equal he has
been declared- to be ; and he cannot meet him
upon fair terms in life, or in death.

*' In the South, where Slavery still exists, the
Negroes are less carefully "kept apart : they some-
times share the labour and the recreations of the
whites ; the whites consent to intermix with them
to a certain extent, and although the legislation
treats them more harshly, the habits of the peo-
ple are more tolerant and compassionate. In the
South, the Master is not afraid to raise his Slave
to his own standing, because he knows that he
can in a moment reduce him to the dust at pleas-
ure. In the North, the white no longer distinctly
perceives the barrier which separates him from
the degraded race, and he shuns the Negro with
more pertinacity, because he fears, lest they should
some day be confounded together.

"Among the Americans of the SowtK^ »aX\a«k
Mometiwes reasserts her rights, aiA x%'aX»tft» ^

3^^ 4k ©BFENCE «F

transient equality between the blacks and the
whites ; but in the North, pride restrains the most
imperious of human passions. The American of
the Northern States would, perhaps, allow the
Negress to share his licentioUs pleasures, if the
laws of his country did not declare that she m^y
aspire to be the legitimate partner of his bed ;
but he recoils with horror from her who might
.l>ecome his wife."

Theoretically, Slavery has been abolished in
most countries ; but practically, it exists almost cv
every where ^^^ but without the responsibilities, jB
interests, humanities, and sympathies of Slavery* 7
•A hired servant in England, for instance, has none
of the kindly sympathies of his employer; he is
expected to perform a ^certain amount of labor,
but the employer do^s stot approach him — feels
no interest in him«^- bestows upon him none of
his sympathies and regards -«- and, in most casei,
the relation between them is too transient to ad-
mit of the existence of such feelings, even if cir-
, cumstancTes were favorable to their development.
A laboring man in England has, theoretically, the
j«ight to change his employer wbeu displeased;:.;
but practically he is bound in iron chains to his
destiny : soul and body must be kept together,
which can be done only by incessant toil at low
wa^es. The necessities of his being — the su-

'perabundance of laborers — and "the ' consequent
great competition among them, binds him to a
state of Slavery as adamantine as that which
binds the Southern Slave to his destiny,

I maintain, then, that practically, the govern-
ment to which our Southern Negroes are subject,
is milder than that to which the hired servant in
England, and olsewhere, is sul)ject. Supposing
an equsfl share of physical comforts — which is
not the fact, as our Negroes have much the ad-
vantage-^ our Southern Slavery has its interests,
its humanities, its sympathies, which are neces-
sarily peculiar to it, arid which gives it an advan-
tage over English and all other kinds of Slavery,

I have already alluded to the influence of pub-
lic sentiment, in preventing unnecessary harsh-
ness in the treatment of ^Negroes. This public
sentiment is growing stronger and stronger every
year : a man now who treats his Slaves with any
considerable degree of cruelty, is shunned by the
community as though he were the veriest monster
in existence. This has a powerful and nfost sal-
utary influence in the treatment of Slaves ; for
but few now have the hardihood to stand up and
brave public sentiment, especially in a wrong
cause.

Thousands have in all agen^ Va ifefeivc,^ QfLN?\iaX

132 ▲ DEFENCE OF

they conceiyed to be truth, defied the strongest
expression of public sentiment, and even suffered
martyrdom ; but in defence of acknowledged
wrong, but few men have the hardihood to perse-
vere. This disapprobation, then, on the part of
the public, of all unnecessary cruelty in the treat«
nient of Slaves, has greatly tended to ameliorate
their condition ; and no doubt as public sentiment
becomes more enlightened oa the subject, it will
still be more strongly expressed, and that in con-
sequence, the condition of the Slave will be still
further improved..

The thoj;ough discussion which the subject has
of late years undergone, has greatly tended to en»
lighten the public mind upon it; and whilst. the
institution of Slavery, has been more, firmly estab*>
lished, the actual condition of the Slave has been
greatly bettered. I do hot agree with some, that
this subject should not be discussed :. I think, on
the contrary, that it should be thoroughly exami-
ned, and all abuses which may belong to it at
present corrected. Truth need fear no examina-
tion : it is error only that shrinks fi*om the light.
If Slavery cannot be sustained by fair argument,
it should be abandoned as soon as possible, for.
no one can have any interest in sustaining error.

Discussion has certainly been of servlcfiLtous :

1

HlSGItO SLAVBST. 133

!t^ has opened our eyes to the true subject, and
exposed many abuses which existed among us.
In some cases, probably, near the line of the non-
filaveholding States, the immediate effect wa« to
?:' tighten the chains of Slavery; but the ultimate
effect in a^U cases has been to correct errors, re-
move abuses, and thus soften the condition of the
Slave.

It is- almost needless to attempt a comparison
between the government of the Negro here, and
in Africa. The whole continent of Africa cannot
furnish a government that permits so wide a range
of human liberty, and that so thoroughly secures
human rights, as the governments under which
the Slaves live in this country. Political and do-
mestic Slavery are almost universal in Africa.
Three-fourths — some say, nine-tenths — of tlije^
whole population, are in a state of the most ab-
ject domestic Slavery: a Slavery, the grinding
oppression of which is unknown in^ this coun-
try. With a few inconsiderable exceptions, all
the African tribes are subject to the most abso-
lute forms of government. The sovereign has a-
power over the lives and fortunes of his subjects,
greater than any European monarch. A few of
the smaller tribes, have what are called free gov-
ernments, but ia all such c^ae^ \)fta ^^^wSsbjAss\x\^

^134 A DEFENCE- OP

licentious, turbulent, and unhappy. They are the
, most illy regulated of all the governments in Af-
rica. All the larger -.and more important king-
. doms, are absolute despotisms.

" Thousands of brave ' warriors bend down to
one of their fellow mortals with a profound and
servile abasement, never witnessed in polished,
V or, as we call them, corrupt societies."*

Who can doubt the fact that the African has
ibcen an immense gainer in a governmental point
of view, by being sold into Slavery in this coun-
try ?^^ He here has an intelligent Master, whose
humanity, interest, duty, and friendship, all lead
him to treat him well — to supply all his reasona-
ble wrfnts : in a word,-to do all for him that he
may deem necessary to promote his physical, mo-
ral, and religious vfei&'heing* A Master, too,
vWho lives under the best torm of civil government
that now exists, or that ever did exist — who is
bound by the laws of his country to treat his
Slaves with humanity. In Africa, the Negro is
the Slave of a brutal, ignorant, degraded, and su-
perstitious Master : a Master who is equally ig-
norant of true religion and true morality, and who
is himself the subject of a harsh and grinding
despotism. What chance for happiness in such

*HaiperB* Family IibtaTy,^o, l^— ^. S^T,

y3XBt3tBO SLAYEBT* *^I95

-a society? ' The truth is, our Negroes are better
off than the best portion of African society : they
have more freedom — enjoy more comforts and
luxuries — ;and their rights are better protected,

^than the best portion of African society.

The opponents of Slavery have said much
&bout the power that the Southern Master lias
of flogging his Slaves. They regard it as a most

, horrid act of despotism to give one man the pow-
er to inilict corporal punii?hment upon another,
and they would have the world believe that the

-Southern Master greatly delighted in flogging his
Negroes. I shall not pretend to deny the flict
that some Masters may abuse their power in this

, particular; fur as in all other cases of power,

.this is liable to abuse, and I pretend not to say
that it has not been frequently abu.sed.

But I think that too much stress has been laid
on the aljusc of this power by the opponents of
Southern Slavery. In the first place it may be
remarked, that tlie Negro feels no sense of shame
or disgrace, on account of corporal punishment;

cthe sense of it does not linger with liimyCip bitter

'his existence, and fill him with a spirit of rev.eiig^.
When the smarting has ceased — that is, if the
flogging has been merited — his feelings resume
their former life and buoyancy, T\x\s» \s» -a;^^^

i9tP X ibttxsci^ or

miportant matter, as it takes away half of the ills
eonnected with corporal punishment.

But the Negro is not the only being in the
world, who from his situation is bound to submit
to corporal punishment. Fathers, mothers and
teachers, are bound to use the rod occasionally
in order that due subordination may be kept up
among the children. But this Is not all : flogging
is practised in the armies and navies of all coun-
tries. In Great Britain, flogging is carried fo
great extremes in her armies and 'navies. Thb
soldiers, and sailors are taken^ up and flogged in
a manner unknown among Southern Masters.
They make use of instruments of torture that are
never used by the Southern Slave-holder. Flog-
ging, then, is notxonfined to Southern Slavehold-
ers, but is occasionally practised by others.

But after all; I am satisfied from much observa-
tion, experience and inquiry, that much exag-
eration has prevailed on this subject. All well-
managed plantations dispense with flogging almost
entirely. I am well acquainted with large plan-
tations, where the whip is never used from one
end of the year to the other ; and this I learn,
from inquiry, is generally the case. Most plant-
ers learn after a while that whipping tends to de-
gmde and ruin the Negxo ; Vveuce they use it as

fnsOBO SLAVEBYt 137

little as possible. Overseers are frequently dis*
missftd on account of too mu81i severity. All par-
ties, after a while, learn that Negroes will do
more work, and do it more cheerfully — will alto-
gether make better servants, when the rod is used
only in cases of indispensable necessity. But it
is altogether proper that the rod should be occa-
sionally J.ised ^ and when it is used properly and
reasonably, the Negroes themselves will acknow-
ledge its justice, and like their Masters all the
fcetter for it.

But I have another remark to make in connex-
ion with this subject.. The Negro is often whip-
ped and turned loose, for crimes that would send
a white man to jail or the penitentiary. In some
of the States, he would be whipped, or made to
stand in the pillory. In England, he would be
pilloried, and probably transported for life. A
Negro steals some article of trifling value, for
which he is flogged and turned loose — a white
man commits a similar theft, and is sent to jail, or
the penitentiary. There was a man not long
since sent to the Mississippi penitentiary for steal-
ing three dollars. He lay in jail several months
before his trial came on, and was then found guil-
ty and sentenced to the penitentiary for several
years. I knew a Slave in this vcx"^' Vvi^w^ \a^<K\x

Idd A DEFENCE OF

up and whipped, then turned loose, for stealing a "
considerable auKjunt of money. I could, were it
necessary, <rive any niunber of such cases.

The youii<]; man above alluded to, m ho was sent
to the peuit<'utiary for stealing thre(* df.'llars, will
never recnvt»r his lost character, but will evt;r
feel the siorn. contempt, and n<'<:!i(t of society.
The Negro alludrd to, is still in nur community,
and has not susi.iined the sli;;l)t<':«t i«>:4s of charac-
ter that 1 a HI aAvnre of. He l<M,ks as cheerful,
sleek, and lively as ever: no sc:..!- oi' sclt-degrai -
dation haunts hihi as in the other ca.-e. Slavery,
then, has its advantages, as wi 11 as every other
condition of society, and these aihaiUages are of
great importance to the Slave.

6th. Physical hcnefUs of tSlavcri/.^^The world-
cannot produce a more vigorous, healthy race of
men than our Negroes— a race freer from all
constitutional or hereditary taints of every kind.
The continued health and vigor of the Negro in
Slavery in the West Indies, led Las Casas, the
devoted Spanish missionary, to reconunend a con-
tinuance of the institution, though opposed to it
in the abstract.

Though aware of the benefits of Slavery phys-
ically to the Negro, we were not aware of the
rMrnt of thc^e benefits, until our census was ta-

17BGR0 SLATBRr. Idd

ken in 1840. The results astonisked every body :
no one before was aware of the vast advantage ;
that the Negro enjoyed in a state of Slavery, The
f«ee Negro, North and South, exists ahnost uni- •
versally in a state of hopeless poverty ; and he is
liable to all the diseases that flow from abject
poverty. I take the following ..extract from the
letter of the Hon. J. C. Calhoun to the Right
Hon. Richard Pake xh am dated, Washington,
April 18th, 1844:

"The mmiber of deaf and dumb, blind, idiots,
and insane, of the Negroes in the States that have
changed the ancient relations between the raeesf
is one out of every ninety-six ; while in the States
adhering to it is one out of every six hundred and
seventy-two : that is, seven to one in favor of the
latter, as compaied with the former.

"The number of whites deaf and dumb, blind,
idiots, and insane, in the States that have changed
the relation, is one in every tivc hundred and six-
ty-one ; bi'ing nearly six to one against the free
blacks ill the same States.

" The number of Negroes deaf and dumb, blind,
idiots, and insane, paupers, and in prison, in the
States tiiat have changed, is one. out of every six ;
and in the Slates that hjivo not, one out of every
one humhod ;i:i;l iil'v-l'^ur — or twenty-two to one
against the liMn'r. ur- c )niparod with the latter.

"Takin;- i'^v '•'.., c\, ■. .i! vs of North and South
— in the r-ii. .'.f .; " ^' > «. > :i!)or of Ne^^vo^^

140 A DBFENCB Of

returned as deaf and dumb, blind, insane, anS
idiots, by the census of 1840, is one out of every
twelve ; and in Florida, by the same returns, is
one out of every eleven hundred and five ; or
seventy-two to one in favor of the Slaves of Flor-
ida, as compared with the free blacks of Maine*

^^ In addition, it deserves to be remarked, that
in Massachusetts, where the change in the ancient
relation of the two races was first made, (now
more than sixty years ago) where the greatest
zeal has been exhibited in their behalf, and where
their number is jcomparativelj iew, (but little
more than eight thousand, in a population of seven
hundred and thirty thousand) the condition of the
African is among the aaost wretched. ' By the la-
test authentic accounts, there was tme out of eve-
ry twenty^ne of the black population, in jails or
houses of correction ; and one out of every thir-
teen was either deaf and dumb, bUnd, idiots, in-
sanr, or in prison,

** On the other hand, the census, and other au-
thentic soui-ces of information, establish the fact,
that the condition of the African race throughout
all tho States, where the ancient relation between
the two races has been retained, enjoys a degree
of health and comfort which may well compare
with that of the laboring population of any coun-
try in Christendom ; and it may be added, that in
no other condition, or in any other age or coun-
tr}% has the Neijro race ever attained so high an
elevation in morals, intelligence, or civilization."

Here are facts drawn from undoubted sources

«f inforiniiiion$ wMch reij clearly pr6i% that th^
Negro at the South has been an ismiense gainer
by Slavery. It seems to be a fixed law of nature
that two races of men widely difiering from each
^ther physically, morally, intellectually, and in'
the actual state of civilization, cannot flourish to- ~
gether on the same continent, or in immediate
juxtaposition, inllesS the inferior is in a state of
Slavery. The greater intelligence, eneigy, in- -
dustry, and economy of the superic^ race will lead
to a monopolj^of all the wealth and influence of
the country ; and hence the inferior race will be
reduced to a state of poverty and dependence
which will lead toaUrthe crimes, pauperism, and
physical ills above enumerated, and consequently
to a decline, and an ultimate extinction of the
race. The rapid decline of the Indians in this
country shows the power of this law — and the
wretched and starving condition of the Hindoo,
w^hen in contact with the English, is proof of the
s>ame truth. ' -

Another remark in this cMttiexion, before clo-
sing this chapter: A strong, healthy, physical
condition, is essential to civilization ; and to en-
joy this, physical industry and execution is indis-
pensabku The savage man is necessarily incH-

aed to kidolence and inaction^ eiceylNvk^ik ^\k^-
JO

142 A BSTBHOS 0]»

ged in the chase or in war : hence he never ac-
quires that degree of physical vigor which is pos-
sessed by those engaged in regular industry.

To give to the savage, then, that degree of
physical vigor, which is essential to civilization,
you must make him a Slave, and continue him in
this state, through a succession of ages. No sav-
age tribe has ever yet voluntarily betaken itself
to habits of industry, nor have we any reason to
believe that they ever will ; consequently, all that
reach civilization, must pass thro\^h the ordeal
of Slavery.

CHAPTER VI.

BEJTOFITS OF SLAVERY, CONTINUED I THE MASTER, BTf .

II. TuE Master. — The Master derives im-
portant benefits from Slavery, as well as the Slave.
This subject has been greatly misunderstood : if
has been supposed by many, that Slavery was a
source of numberless evils to the white race.
The advantages of Slavery to the white race at
the Souih^ are —

IsU Inctease of Intelligence. -^It might be in-
ferred a priori that a population having ample lei*
sure, would devote at least a portion of that lei-
sure, to mental culture : especially would this be
the case if we, at the South, have the politioail
ambition ascribed to us. We are not ignorant of
the ofl-repoated ma?cim, that ^^ Knowledge is.Pow^
er ; ' cjnssqaontly, if W3 are dasirous'of po^ess-
ing p3W3r, as our Northern brethren hWe slated,
we certainly would not be likely to neglect the
means nocessary to attain.it. But ^hat/are the
facts in reference to the intelligence of the South-
ern people ? In a restricted sense, the North may.
be as well, if not better educated, than^hc South ;
but in a more enlarged sense, I must be pennitted
to maintain that the South has greatly the advan-
tage. In point of general intelligence, especially
in every thing relating to politics, we must be per-
mitted to maintain our decided superiority over
our Northern brethren. Not only have the South-
ern people a superiority in point of political in-
telligence, but they have a very great superiority
in the capacity of public speaking. I recollect a
conversation that I held, some years ago, with a
distinguished literary gentleman of the North :
He was advanced in years, was born and educa-
ted at the Norths and had Qevcr \>e^ii ^ov)NXi^>xQ>c^

144 A MBSBUQCM. OV

the time when. I saw and had the oonversatioit
with him*

He informed me that on remaining in the South
a. short time, under circumstances highly favora-
ble to observation, he was astonished at the dif*^
ferejice'^that he perceived between the intelligence
of the. pectole here, and at the North where he
resided:. r" '

'*'Youh^eople,'^''^aidJie "are all jpublic speak--
ers : dt tfle*?fbtth, none but lawyers, preachers,
and politicians, can speak in public at all. Your^
people, too," he continued, " are far superior to
the mass 'of the Northern people, in point of gen-
eral intelligence."

This might have been ir^ferred from the condi- -
tion of the great body of the Northern people.
They are bound by the necessities of their situa*
tion, to devote the larger portion of their time ta
hard labor : hence i maintain the utter impossi-
bility of their having time to cuhivate their minds
to any thing like a liberal extent. The superior
Common School System of the New- England
States, enables the larger portion of the popula*
tion to acquire the first rudiments of education ;
but when they reach mature years, they are ne-
cessarily so much engaged in rbodily toil that they
have no leisure for mental culture.
Omo Act ifl uniTersaHy kIlo^in^ 'h'vlx tbat ih^

'"^outh has alwlEiys had an undue proportidnx^ tal-
ent and influence in the national councils^ Out
of eleven Presidents, seven have been Southern
men and Slaveholders. When Mr. Polk's term
^hdU have expired, our present constitution will
have been in existence sixty years — and forty-
eight years of the time, the Presidential chair will
have been filled by Southern Slaveholders. It
has been fi'equently charged upon our govem-
flient, that it is in the hands of a Junto of Slave-
- holders, who wield it for their^wn particular ben-
■^ cfit. It is admitted that Slaveholders are now,
^and have been in times "past, the leading politi-
cians of the Union ; and I regard this fact as one

* among the many evidences in favor of Southern
■ superiority, but I deny that the Southern men have
"^ ever used this power to the injury of any portion

* of the Union.

2d. Slavery cultivates in the South a ^irit of
'■ lofty and generoUs patriotism.- — The very exist-
•^eiice among us of an inferior population, whose
business it is to perform most of the hard drudge-
ly which is essential to the well-being of man,
creates a higher tone of character, and as a con-
sequence, a much higher degree of principle and
action. The South has ever taken the Ib«A \w%31
"^Ao^e great measares 'wiiich %MLve t^e^\«^ tciQ^v.

146 A DEFENCE OF

honor upon the nation. And the fact is very sin-
gula% that the South has never taken a stand up-
on any great subject, that was not ultimately suc-
cessful. Mr. Alexander H. Evekett, en this
auhjcct, says :

" It is a fact which cannot be disputed, and
need rot be difgui&cd, that en all the gicat ques-
tions tlat lave reccsFarily agitated iLe country,
the South las taken the side which Las 1 nally
caiiicd tic pec pie with it; and wLat is &ti]l more
rcmaikable. account for it as we niay, the side
most lavoral)le to liboity. I allude, ol cruiee, to
dominant parties, and the gcneial tcrx'c ncy of
opini( n. In the cointroYersie& which gicw out of
the foundation and constiucticn of the Fedeial
Constitutitn. and in those which succeeded, and
had their origin in the levolutioraiy stir^glcs of
Euir]e — in the disputes with Gieat Eiitain re-
spcctirg leutial rights — en the great francial
questions oi the Eaiik and Piotcction, we Indthe
North, ri|.ht or wiong, unifoim.ly on the side of
p.cwci — the South on that of lihcity. Even on
isolated que!; tic ns, like that of the acquisition of
Louisiana — which seem to have no connexion
with geneial piinciples-^the South has had the
fortune to eepouse the opinion that has finally been
sancticned by the pecple. At this mt ment, when
a region not inieiior, as I have said, in extent and
richness, to the kingdom of France, is thrown, as
it were, into our aims, the North — for reasons
which, as I think I have 8\ioviii^^w\\!L\:Ax^^ V^^^tx

nsoso UiAvksT* 147

iBiaminati<m — repels the magnificent God-send;
the South is readjr to receive it with eagerness
and gratitude,"

Again z-

" How it has happened that the Slaveholding
South should have uniformlj raised the standard
of lib ^rty — and the free North, that of power —
is a curious quefltion which has often been asked,
but never satisfactorily answered."*

I have already given the solution of this pro-
blem : it is to be ibund in the intelligence, and
"in the high-toned sentiments of patriotism, that
spring out of the institution of Slavery, as it ex-
ists among us at' tl.e South. Mr. Everett seems
-unable to account for the diflference between the
North and the South in the particular alluded to,
but the cause can be none other than that which
I have mentioned.

3d. Slavery 7s beneficial to the White Popula-
iaiion at the South, in a Religious and Moral point
^f ticu\ — TIk) opponents of Slavery, no doubt,
will think this a strange position ; for Slavery-*
directly or indirectly, has been considered the
source of every crime which has been committed
in our country, since the organization of the gov-
ernment. But let IIS have the &cts in the case,

'f' Democmtic Review, Sept 1^44— ^^.'ife'^^'2\^

ibr those are more potent in settling controversiaiB
'than all the assertions and the#ries in the world.
Where are the Infidel papers and parties at the
South ? They cannot be found. A solitary indi-
yidual, most commonly from the non-slaveholding
-States, can occasionally be found among us, who
. professes^ Infidel sentiments ; but the great mas»
of our people, utterly contemn all such sentiments.
Why is this ? The Southern people are neither
deficient in intelligence, nor in personal indepei^
dence : whatever tkay profess and believe, they
declare openly. ' -The South is the only intelligent
portion of the Christian world without an Infidel
party in religion. At the North, there is a regu-
larly organized party of Jnfidel& : they have sev-
eral newspapers — they .meet ^frequently in con-
vention, and devise ways and .means for the ex-
tension of their views throughout the Union.
The same fact is true of England ; Infidel lec-
turers travel from one end of the kingdom to the
other, and spread the . poison of their doctrine s
:Rinong the people. I some time since noticed
Mty travelling Infidel lecturers in England : they
have several able paper9 devoted wholly, or in
pajrt, to their views : they write learned books
against Christianity, and use all other means in
their power tto overtum tt^ 'C\aisX\«ii i^W^^^ia..

i^'France, ^e all know, is a natix>n of Infidels*
The Revi Dr. Fisk estimated, when in Paris,
that not more than one in sixty-six of the whole
population, ever attended Divine service. A phi-
losophor of France will take the ground of pure
Ath3ism,»in his writings, without the least hesita-
tion ; and without anj expectation that he will
suffer in the estimation of the public.

IniiJsl sentiments, likewise, are extensively
prevalent in Germany. A species of semi-inli-
delity, in fact, pervades almost the entire learned
population of Germany. Neology is but little

■ better than pure Infidelity. Transcendentalism
had its birth, and principle growth in Germany ;
and as might have been expected, the dreams of

. Emaauei Swedenborg find ready believers and

. advocates in that country.

But again : we have more religious union and
harmony at the South, and fewer religious errors,
than in any other portion of protestant Christen,
dom. Our sects are few, and none of them de-
part very widely from what is considered the strict
line of orthodoxy. At the North, they have al-
most every species of nonsense, in the form of
religion. Mormonism, among them, flourishes ex<»
tensively, even in the very heart of the Northern
Athens, I well recollect that aome ^e«x% ^J^g^x

150 ▲ DEFBNCB OF

Morman preacher went to Boston, and created
quite a sensation among them. Many of the
good citizens of Boston, if I mistake not, believed
and obeyed the Mormon faith. Millerism* com-
menced, gie\\\ and died, at the North. Scarcely
a believer in tliis doctrine could be found in the
whole k^outh : none frcm the commencement had
the l(\ast confidence in Miller, or his calculations.
The doctrine was charged upon a few individuals
for political cflc'ct, but they invariably denied it,
in the most positive manner.

But this is not all : we find among our North-
ern fricMid-v. Swrdenborgians, Dunkcrs, Rapposts*
Sabbatarians, Uu iversalists, and a host of other
strange [)r.r(ios. None of these are scarcely ever
heard of al the South*.

Fouri( ji.ni and Socialism, likewise find ready
advocates aiiiung our Northern friends : and these
give riae to pi liiical errors, as lately seen in the
resistonce to pay rent in the county of Delaware,
New-Yorl;.

Now why this difference between the North
and South in reference to religion ? There is a
cau«e, certainly ; for in morals and religion, as
well as in physics, no event takes place without
an adequate cause. Why then is the South more
rationai on the subj^ect of xeligjiou ik:A.iv.l\ie NortkJ

NBGRO SLAVERY. 151

The reason, I think, is not difficult to find : at the
South, religious demagogues have no materials to
act upon : they have no access to our Negroes,
and the whites arc too generally intelligent to be
led astray by the deluded, or the designing. The
intelligence and independence of thought liial ex-
ist among us, render the Southern peo;!/ less
liable to bo carried away by religioii.; i ...'! )n,
tlian any other people on the face oi' i.;- ,,!< bo.
This intelligence and independoiice, c:i ....' an
iiidivlduaiUy of character, v/hich can <^:i </ . [ eo-
ple to feel humbled at the very thought of i il av-
ing every reckless leader that may ch()v;:.c u; ad-
vance new religious and moral thcoric's.

The ignorant and degraded ponulaih.;! of Eng-
land, Ireland, Scotland, France, Geiiu'iiiy, liii.i in
our large Norihcrn cities, feel no s: ii >« kjI A '.gra-
dation in following any ambitious leadiM- tlia' any
choose to form a new party in religion : a South-
ern man, on the contrary, would feel his cheeks
burn at the very thought of being led by any re-
ligious or moral fanatic in the workl.

Our opponents cha^-ge upon us almost every
crime in the whole catalogue of crimes, and at-
tribute them all to the institution of Slavery among
us. They charge us with using deadly weapoas
(pT]ightaDd trivial offeiices, auidi oi x^«miN^.V^

the duel to settle our private difficulties, mu^h
-more frequently than is common among people
•where Slavery does not exist. I shall not deny
the fact, that the Southern 'people occasionally
resort to the duel ; and even occasionally use
knives, and other deadly weapons against each
other. But it must be remembsred that the point
of honor is recognized in every country in Chris-
tendom : whether it be right or wrong, it is not
my province to detenhine : -all that I wish is, to
. prove that the practice is not peculiar to Slave
countries, and is consequently not attributable to
Slavery.

Most of the duels at the South are between
foreigners. In New-Orleans, where most of them
-occur, the parties are- almost invariably citizens
or subjects of foreign countries-^ most commonly
French or Spaniards. 'It is a rare tiling to hear
' of a duel, or deadly rencounter of any kind be-
tween Southern men. In the frontier settlements,
deadly rencounters occasionally happen ; but this
might be reasonably expected — for in these set-
tlements, persons congregate from all parts of the
""MTorld : the adventurer from the old States of the
Union— the reckless Frenchman, Spaniard, dec.
But the deeds of blood alluded to, are not confin*
9d to Stare setdements : they we cotataoti m^S^

NE6R0 SLATBST* 153*

frontier settlements, without regard to the institu-
tion of Slsiverj. . The truth is, the Southern por- -
tion of the confederacy is much more free from
dping acts of murder and,- villany, than the North-
em, The Northern papers have teemed for year*
past with accounts of the most horrid murders : ..
husbands murdering their wives — wives their
husbands — fathers their sons — murders commit-
ted foi* the sake of money : in several instances,
wholie families have been murdered for the pur- .
ppse of robbing the house. Such horrid enormi- ^
ties are never heard of at the South.

Sexual crimes are considered unusually com» -
mon in the Slave States of this Union. I have
already commented upon this charge against us, .
and have admitted its existence to some extent ; .
but have denied, and will deny again, that we ar«
guilty to the extent charged upon us by our oppo-
nents. The practice prevails mostly about the
citiesy where the majority of the population arei
without Slaves — and, in fact, where most of them-,
are foreigners or Northerners. I will venture
the remark, that a large majority of the crimes
referred to, are committed by foreigners, or hj ■
persons living in the non-slaveholding States.

III. Tdk Country. — There are benefits flow--
Ing from the institution of Slavery whiiclt h^i^a

154 A DEFENCB OF

not been enumerated, and which I prefer classing
under the above head. The reader will please
call to mind a fact already mentioned, viz : that
the constitution of the Negro poculiariy fits him
for a hot climate : that in such a cliinut(i he is in
his proper element, whilst the v.-hiie man, on the
contrary, is adapted to a m-.nv no ilhern -climate,
and cannot bear cxten:-.ive exj-o^ure at the South,
without great risk of injury to Lis constitution.
It must be admitted as a llict, tLen, tl.at with*
out Negro labor, the larger and m jre fertile por*
tion of the South would l.e l:'lt uii cultivated. I
take it for granted that the Negrof o mnst be in a
state of Slavery ; for if it were otherwise, free
b'aK:k labor could never be Ci.nimnnclod to the ex-
tent necessary to cultivate the r>oi! as at present.
The hisloiy of the world ccntalns ahundant proof
that people in the condition of cur blacks 'w^ill
never labor to any extent, unless driven to it bj
necessity or by authority : hence so long as we
have such a boundless extent of unsettled country,
we could not reasonal ly expect the Negroes to
labor unless they were driven to it by the author-
ity of the Master. 'Ihc ii stitution of Slavery,
then, is the source of vast benefits to the country;
ifcstroy it, and you ruin Southern agricukure, with
%\1 ti.e numberless blessings that How from it*

KB6B0 SLAYEST. 155

But for the sake of perspicuit^r, I will use a little
system:

1st. Slave Lcfhor improves the Health of ihf
Country, — In every country — ir> every soutliorn
country in particular, there are extensive sources
of disease, as ponds, marshes, &c. New-Orleans,
•Charleston, and other Southern towns and cities,
are built upon marshes, which have been lilled
up by Slave labor. Our Southern c!iin:ite being
unfriendly to the constitution of the whte maH,
he could never be induced voluntarily to under-
take the removal of such sources of disease. The
Negro, on the contrary, can perfnin such labor
without the slightest injury to his constitution.
In Spain, Italy, Mexico, and in som? of the South-
American Republics, Avhcre Negro Slavery doen
not exist, tlie causes of di-casc have accumulated
to an extent which renders the climate in thc»
hi'^he!«t degree unfriendly to the constitution of
the white man. Negro Slavery, as we have it
here, under the guidance of intelligent white men,
would make those now desolate countries blossom
as the rose. Sources of disease would be remo-
ved and man would soon regaih his true position
in the scale of being,

2d. The cotton, tobacco, rice, and sugar of the
South, all the products of Slaye labor, constituta

156' ▲ DSFENCS^OF

the 'basis of much of the wealth of this country,
North and South, and also of Europe. Destroy
the production of cotton at the South, and you
will almost ruia Europe and America ; for all
other portions of the world, it has been ascertain-
ed, could not supply the demand for this article.
Since the acquisition ofiTexas, the South enjoys
a monopoly of the cotton lands of the world : for
all efforts to grow cotton in the East Indies have
proved utterly fruitless ; and the supply from Bra-
zil and Eg}^t is quite too small to meet the
present demand of the world. The world, then,
is indebted to the Slave labour of the Souih, for
a supply of this very important article. The ben-
efits resulting to the world from this single article,
are incalculable. Millions of persons, here as
well as in Europe, ^re engaged in the pi eduction,
transportation, and manufacture of this article :
and the various articles manufactured from it have
become indispensable, to the comfort of every
country. Cloths made of cotton are now used by
the people of every country. Shirts, labie-clpths
and various other articles, are made of cottoBu
Jdore than one-half of the manufacturing estab-
lishments of this country and of England are en*
gaged in the manufacture of- cotton goods. Thus
k appears, that in difierent wayi , th^ cotton raised

NB6BO SLAYBSr. 1S7

at the South by our Slaves, gives employment to
a larger number of individuals — contributes more
to the comfort of mankind generally, than any
other single, nay, any other five articles of trade^
commerce, or agriculture. We make aniHiafly
between two and three millions of l^le§,. ^'^ftl^ •
in the raw state from sixty to seventj^irfDjftKS df
dollars. When manufactured, this cottMcis JVbrtlr
almost an incalculable sum.

I have no tables before me showing the ahibunt
of cotton raised in other countries ; the quantity;
however, is small, compared to that which is raisi
ed in the United States : the quality, likewise, is
inferior. If, then. Slavery were abolished in the
United States, the culture of cotton, with all the
blessings that flow from it, would be utterly an- .
nihiiated. The whole .Southern portion of our
country would be left as a desolate waste, unfit
for the residence of man. More than one-half of
the manufacturing establishments of England,
the United States, and of other countries, would
be prostrated, and the world deprived of all tlj«
comforts and blessings that it now enjoys from
the use of cotton goods.

Our rice, tobacco, and sugar, are likewise ex-
tensively benelicial to the world. These articles

are extensively raised at the S(yi\.\i^ \x,^<i >\!i!^\y(^
11

158 ▲ DEFENCS OI^

sent to the different parts of the world, where the j
enter largely into general consumption.

Our rice is sent to many parts of the world>
where it is extensively used as a cheap and whole-
s<^me article of diet. The destruction of this sin-

«.Jrg}e^^brai^^ipf agriculture would bring almost in-
• citSpulaBj^eX^ye-'^upon the world ; for it is not only
nseful-jiiljjfii^of^ article of diet, but is almost

indispensable^in sickness, as every medical man
well knows. ^♦<^obacco is an article of extensive
use, and employs in its production and manufac-
ture, a. great •number of individuals. This article
is the produdf^f Slave labor, and could not be
raised to any thing like the same extent without.
Destroy Slavery, then, and you will greatly, injure
this vast interest, and bring to want and ruin the
great number of iiidividuals' that now depend up-
6hi it.

^ Sugar is almost exclusively the product of Slave
labor, and oannot, it is>ascei1:ained, be profitably

• made by the^'whites. Free black labor can never
be conu^anded to any considerable extent; so
we are bound to rely upon Slave labor. In the
British West Indies, where Slavery has been
abolished, the production of sugar has greatly de-
elined of late, and nothing has saved this interest
&om total ruin there, but the %y«Um of im^rting

fi«e laf>orers fiom Afric* adopted by the BrHisll
government. I shall hereafter show the motives
¥>f England in desiring the abolition of Slavery
In the United States : it V(^ he Ibimd that these
are any thing but philanthrc^ic Seeing the great
error committed b^ her in abofishing Slavery in
the West Indies, she is sow desiroiis of bringing
other nations t& her otm^ level, by aboKshing Sla^'
very among them. This subject will be examfin«r
«d with some care m a subsequent part of this
work^

The amount of sugar raised in the Uniterf
States is getting to be considerable ;• and when
our sttgar lands in Texas are brought i»to iCuW*
▼ation, we shall be enabled, not ofriy to supply our
own wants, but to export largely to other coun-
tries. I have conversed witS' gentlemen who aine
familiar wida the sugar business, and they assure
tne tbat we have sug^r lands enough to supply
our own wants abundantly, and to export largely
to other parts ef the worldv Destroy the institil-
tion of SlaVery,'atid j^ou destroy in a great meas-
«re the whole of this vast interest.

We are indebted to Southern Slavery for aU
I the above valuable articles of agriculture* It has
I been asserted and proven over and over again,
^ tbal^ the coastitutkm ef the wVdle laaA \a uqX %.^'^

160 A DEFBKOB OT

ed to long continued exposure in a hot climate.
In proof that such is the case, I need only further
mention, that there does not exist on the globe a
solitary nation of whites, in a very warm climate,
in which you will find active industry in agricul-
tural pursuits. Mexico, Central America, and
all the South-American States, w here Slavery has
been abolished, are in a waste, desolate condition.
The agricultural resources of those countries are
all undeveloped — their governments unsettled —
the people are collected mostly about towns and
villages, where their time is spent mostly in idle-
ness. The tropical countries of Asia are nearly
in the same connition : in fact, it is the case eve-
ry where in hot countries, where agricultural la-
bour depends on the whites. The fact may be
asserted without the slightest fear of successful
contradiction, that the genuine Caucasian lace
has never pursued agricultural labor successfully
in very hot climates. Wherever this race has
flourished in hot countries, they have had the Af-
. rican to till the soil for them. This has been as-
certained to have been the case in ancient Egypt
thousands of years ago.

We may set it down as an established fact,

then, that but for our Slaves the South would bo

Vncuhivated; that the pTimilive forests would

again cover oar fields, and the world would be
deprived of all the incalculable benefits that flow
from our agriculture.

The Negro was made for the south — is always
Ibund there, and cannot exist and flourish in a
northern climate. This fact was very early as-
certained afler the Negroes were brought to this
country. A northern climate was found fatal to
them : hence Negro Slavery could never be made
to take root in the Northern States of this Union.
The climate o^ the South, oh the contrary, was
found highly favorable to the constitution of the
Negro, but very unfavorable to the white man^
hence the latter found it impossible to perform the
♦labor here that he could in the North. So mani-
fest was this fact to all persons, afler a short resi-
lience at tlic Souths that tlio most prejudiced very
soon acquiesced in the necessity of further im-
porting Slaves from Africa, in order to supply the
demand for laborers. The benevolent Las Casa»,
^s has been remarked, admitted that a continu-
ance of Negro Slavery was indispensable to the
j)rosperity of the South. He very soon became
<;onvinced that active labor in the sun was unfa-
vorable to the <ionstitution of the white man, and
ihat Slavery was totally unfitted to the Indian : he
«aw these latter melting away, wh^u m S\awN<5.ri>

like Bfiow before the lising sun : hence he mairr^
tained that, under the circumfitiancefis Negro Nhi«
very was indispensable. George Whitefield, and
many other distinguished iadividuals, very early
saw that Negro Slavery was indispensable to th»
prosperity of the South.

But I have not as yet enunerated ail the advan*
tages of Slavery r

3d. Slavery adds gecurify and strength t9 ike
South, in a Military point of view, — I am aware
that the South, in case of war, is considered the
most vulnerable -part of the Union. ' This conelu^
sion has resulted £rom a belief that our Slaves^
like the down-trodden masses of England and
other countries, would avail themselves of the
first opportunity te throw off the yoke of Slavery ::
and hence it ha» been inferred by the less infer*
med of our opponents, that our Slaves would be
ready to join any foe that might invade our shores..
Acting on this impression, the attempt has been
several times made to stir up insurrection among
our Slaves. Seventy years ago^ Lord Dunmore,
Governor of Virginia, ofiered liberty to the Slaves
of Virginia, if they would join the British forces
against their Masters. This they refused to do,
notwithstanding the many tempting offers that
were made them : they preferred adversity with

"*' jnCGBO SLATBST. 163

*^their Masters^ to- freedom and gold without them.
During the late war, several attempts were made

4o induce the Negroes to abandon their Masters ;
but this they always refused, though circumstan-

♦ces were highly favorable to the success of any
attempt of the kind. Some years ago, when hos-

^tilities were apprehended with France, the plan
of invading the Southern States, and of stirring
*■ -up insurrection among the Negroes was instantly
devised : and it is said that a British officer of
high distinction, some years ago, deliberately
planned the invasion of the Southern States at
several points, with a view of stirring up our
Slaves to insurrection. And very lately, we have

'been threatened with a black regiment from the
West Indies, thinking that our Slaves would unite
with them against the whites. Mr. Adams has
said that in ca«e of war, the South would be the
Flanders of America. But notwithstanding all
this, the South has nothing to fear. During the
long period of seventy years, in which various

• attempts have been made to stimulate the Slaves
to insurrection, there has never been any serious
disturbance among them. A, few disturbances
have occurred in particular neighborhoods, in
which a few white persons have been killed, but
they have aU been easilj 4iUf ^t«««^ vcA \|^«k.^

164 ▲ DBFBNGS OF

restored. There is not a country under Heaven^
where as £bw domestic disturbances have occur-
red within the same period, as in the Slave States
of this Union.

Scenes of riot and bloodshed, and revolutionary
attempts are exceedingly common in most other
countries, notwithstanding the existence of large
standing armies, supported at an enoimous ei^
pense, designed to keep the people in subjection.
Even in the Northern States of this Union, mobs
are not uncommon. Philadelphia, of lato years,
has been the theatre of several large mobs, which
were not suppressed until the military force was
called in requisition, and several lives were lost.
So frequent, of late, have scenes of the kind be-
come, that a permanent military organization in
the city has been found necessary. It has been
very piopcrly predicted that such a military or-
ganization will be found necessary in all the large
cities in the non-slavcholding States, in die course
of a very few years.

The rulers of England have become, of late,
better informed, as to the military strength of the
Southern States. Tliey have instituted the most
extensive inquiries, with a view of finding out the
true character of our black population. Facts on
ibis subject have been collected from every c^uar -

^ NBOBO BLATEBT. 165

3

ter : their consuls, and other agents in this coun«
try, have gathered much information, and trans-
mitted it to London, in order that the rulers of the
empire might be thoroughly informed upon the
subject of Slavery. The object of this collection
of facts was to ascertain the probability of stimu-
lating our Slaves to insurrection, in the event of
a war with Great Britain. The result of the
whole investigation has been a settled conviction
on the minds of the English rulers, that it is im-
possible to stimulate our Slaves to insurrection.
All the historical facts bearing on this subject,
tend to strengthen this conviction. I have before
remarked that the Negro is distinguished for at.
tachmcnt to his Master, and submission to his au-
thority. During the two wars with Great Britain,
the Negro, under the most trying circumstances,
remained true to his Master. Whether his Mas-
ter was whig, or tory, it made no diflfcrence with
him ; he continued his obedience, and resisted
every attempt to seduce him from his allegiance.
During both wars, the strongest Slave counties
in the State of Virginia, were often left without
any efficient white population to keep the Negi'oes
in'check, if they had been disposed to rebel; but
no disturbance, worthy the name, ever occurred
among them*

1B6 AIKEFENCB OF

The Negro ever has been, and ever "will "be,
true to his Master, and this is the secret of our
military strength at the South. The great body
of the whites can organize themselves into milita-
ry companies, and go forward — without the least
ijfear of disturbance at home — to meet the enemies
of the country in the lield, whilst the Negroes—
under the superintendence of a limited number ^f
whites — can remain at home, and cultivate the
•ssoil. Thus during war our plantations will still
Tje cultivated, and every thing needful for the sus-
tenance of ^he country raised in abundance. In
this particular, we have a 'great advantage over
countries where Negro Slavery does not exist.
Where the labor is performed alone by free
whites, the very same persons that work the
farms are those that are called upon to fight the
battles of the couittry : hence in such countries,
during war, the business of agriculture must, in a
great measure, cease ; at least, it must be greatly
^crippled.

During our wars, the larger portion of the sup-
fplies for the support of the army, were the pro-
duct of Slave labor at the South : and what is re-
markable, the Southern portion of the Union—
though weak and divided, ^and being in contact
with a hostile Indian population, iuvadod by £i|g»

vm0no BLATBirr. 167

fish and Hea»ian8--»neveiihele8» stood ike 'hnatt
alone for several years ; almost conquering their
numeroos enemies, belbre they received any effi-
•cient support from the North. Besides this, there
IS something is the institution of Slavery that in«
spires with a lofly, patriotic courage. There is
a higher point of honor at the South — more chi*
valrous courage — than at the North. For exam*,
pie, look 4it the late struggle in Texa^ : a mere
handful of Southern men — a majority of them
Slave-holders — contending successfully against
the comparatively colossal power of Mexico, A
|)€^ulation of about fifty thousand — white and
black, large and small, male and female — not
able at any time to bring twenty-five hundred men
into the field, contending successfully against a
population of nine millions, all said to be freemen.
The world cannot produce an instance similar,
where the institution of domestic Slavery did not
exist. Domestic Slavery existed in Rome, Ath-
ens, and Sparta, during their palmiest and most
chiiealrous days.

Most of the Southern people very early learn
the use of the rifle ; and from the habit of riding
on horseback, all soon become good horsemen;
hence they are prepared, at their country's call,
to rush almost immediately, ^iUy tiTiSh!^ vsA^^V

168 ▲ DBFBNCB OF

ed, to the scene of danger. But little tmining is
necessary to prepare them for efficient action.
An inferior number of Southern men defeated, at
New-Orleans during the late war, a far superior
number of well-trained and disciplined English
troops, under the command of the most experienc-
ed and distinguished Generals. During all our
wars, whether with whites or with the Indians,
Southern men have displayed high-toned chivalry
and undaunted courage. This can be ascribed
only to the spirit which is fostered by Slavery*

4th. Slavery wiU tend to preserve the yurily of
our Repyhlican Insiilutions, — I agree with Mr.
McDuFFiE, that " Slavery is the corner stone of
our republican edifice." In a republican govern-
ment like ours, the right of sufiragc must extend
to all freemen who have reached the age of twen-
ty-one years ; at least, such is the case in most
of the States of this Union. Such biung the iact,
the non-slaveholding States must have a iaiger
proportionate number of unenlightened voters than
the Slavcholding States. The reason of this is
Tery obvious : it is this : the great body of those
who perform the drudgery of society at the South*
are Slaves ; and in consequence, are excluded
firom the. ballot-box — whilst at the North, the
whole mass, though but little superior to our

NEGBO SLATEBT* 169

blacks, many of them, enjoy the right of sufFiagc.
I do not wish to be understood as intimating that
all labor is incompatible with mental cuitiire —
far otherwise — for some of the most iiit'.'lligfnt
men in our land are laborers. In pcint of litera-
ry attainments, Bukkitt, the blacksmith, has but
few equals in this, or any other countr}*. 1 do,
however, maintain, that there is, in lh(» present
state of the world, a certain kind of d/iid^erv,
that is wholly incompatible with high n}(?iitiil cul-
ture. A man engaged in incessant toil during the
day and part of the night, exposed to liie ciin, the
rain, and every change of weather, hiis but little
leisure, and less disposition, to improve. Iii., men-
tal faculties. The small portion oi n;;i<* .liNswed
him is much more likely to be em^ .i ,i »■ !• rest,
which is necessary to repair his c^iiiM; .. • hcr-
gies ; or if not, in something more o.i. . . ; luan
solitary study to such a mind. fc*.. .*. to

the bottle, and spend their leisure h ..s i ■ icvel-
ry and miith. I need not be rcmiu c •[ \. d (cca-
sionally, men engaged in the scveit.-t li.ii, excel
in mental improvemont : there are excopili.iis to
all rules, but exceptions constitute no oI»;c t '.i( n to
the rule itself. 1 should be pleased l.> j-.e a lar-
ger number of those engaged in sevens toil, cii-
gagcd in the Jaudable cffoit Vo iwv^visvi ^^Jkfcvt

170' A DEFENCB OF

minds ; but this cannot be expected to tE^* fulled
extent, until we have made still further advance
in labor-«aving machinery.

The time may, and no doubt will arrive, when
every man can perform the labor necessary for-
the suopoi-t of himself and family, and at the same
time cultivate his mental powers to the highest
point of improvement,

I wish not to be understood as maintaining that'
all labor,, even now, is incompatible with a very
high state of mental improvement^: this is known^
to be otherwise. Indeed, a certain degree of la--
bor is essential to the highest mental culture ; it
imparts to the body the degree of health and vig-
or which is essential to high mental effort. A'
sound mind, and a sound body, are much more
closely connected than philosophers belonging to*
the old school have ever dreamed of: and to get
this sound body, we must attend' to the laws of
health, one of the most important of which is ex--
ercise. Labor, then, of a certain kind — mechan--
ical and professional labor, for instance, and ag-
ricultural labor, when npt tdp severe — are not'
only compatible with high mental culture, but
promotive of it..

But intense agricultural toil in a southern •li-
iaate, and in new setdemen^^s in «l\^. c\\rD»dd^%«— tb«

NEGRO SLAVERY. 171

rougher portion of mechanioal toil, rough labor
on public works, and a thousand menial offices iw
society, are totally incompatible with any high*
degree of mental culture.

In. governments, therefore, where this class or
these classes of persons have the important priv-
ilege of selecting the public rulers, wo may ei^
pect injudicious selections : a stream never rises
above its fountain, and a people never act higher
than their degree of Intelligence, and the motives
that govern tliem. At the South, the whole of
that class of persons, embracing our Slaves, are
excluded from .the polls : hence the mass of voters,
are more intellectual than they are in the non-
slaveholding States. This is one reason why the
South has commonly taken the lead in public af-
fairs — why so many intelligent men from the
South find their way to the seat of government.

In making those remarks, I do not wish to be
understood as participating in the apprehensions
of those who fear the corruption and downfall of
our government. Such an event may take place,
but certainly not until a very distant future : not
until our whole continent* is settled — literally
crowded with population : until every physical
obstacle is removed that is calculated to stimulate
Hob energies of our people.

172 A DEFENCE OF

The history of the world presents us with one
important liict, viz : that no improving nation has
over doclined so long as it had territory to settle,
and powerii'.l physical ohstaclos to overcome.
1*( ad the hiMories ot* ancient nations — Babvlon,
Mcd.)-lVrr:ia, Greece and IJonie — and it will be
U-iiiid tl:Jit they retained their virtue, tlicir patriot-
ism, their strenirth ot empire, until tlieir utmost
linil*.! were Jilled, and until all Ibrmidable physi-
cal ulisiJiclea v»ere otej^t'ome.

I tlierefore have no apprehensions for the safe-
ty of (»ur jxoveriunent : it will continue to flourish
until it has pcMiormed its mission ; and then like
nations which have gone before it, may exist only
in the h.i.^tories of the world.

CKArTER Vli

CIRCUMSTA\( !■:;<; I.\ TTIE COMftTU ' '. .. ,':j.OBE

TJiAT :.i:?.P!:ii sLAVi:i.v : .

nnFo.'jE |:roceedi;)g fuilhev- i: ? • ■ ^a-

jy to iieJJce those circumstarc; :^ . '' .• .- ■. ^n

cf the i.:lohc iu\i yc:i<'er the o.i .. '.■•.•.. ly

NBORO SLAVERY. 178

^"necessary ; or what may be termed the true phi-
losophy of Slavery. It may be necessary very
highly, to allude to those evidences which prove
that this globe was not made perfect at first, but
is. progressive, having passed from a nebulous or
rude state to its present condition; the animals
and vegetables on its surface partaking of the
progressive improvement. From the same evr-
denccs it will appear that the earth-is not yet per-
fect but is still improving, with all the animals
and vegetables existing upon it.

An examination of the Geological stmta com-
posing the surface of our globe, furnishes 'to the
mind conclusive evidence, that it existed mjrriads
of aires anterior to the creation of man. No ma-
tcrial changes, in liict, have occurred on the sur-
face of our gl!>i>e, since the creation of man ; for
neither his rciiiiiiis nor any of his w^orks can be
found in any of the geological strata — a sure evi-
dence of his very recent creation. There seems
to have been vast periods of indefinite duration,
when no forms of life, such as we now have, ex-
isted on the globe.

The first state of the earth seems to have been
one of great expansion, what modern astronomers
'have denominated a nebulous state; a state, in

'the language of Scripture, wbcntk^ *''' ^^tsJcL^'Wk
1*2

without form and void, and darkness wt» apoKr AV
face of the deep." In this first stage neither
vegetable nor animal life could exist, nor any ma*
terial substance in its condensed state. But in.
this rudimental mass existed the elements of all
living, animate and inanimate, vegetable and am^-
mal, but to unite the elements of being into living
masses, it was necessary that the *^ spirit of God
should brood over the vast abyss."

The primitive rocks were formed, and light
was refracted from the chaotic mass. At a more-
advanced, pe^j^d, the lower orders of animals and;
vegetables were created ; as the various forms of
shell fish, the coral insect, and such plants as
were fitted to grow on the hottest parts of the
earth. Islands were formed in the vast ocean.,
aquatic vegetables grew upon the sub-marine
rocks of the new formation, which ser^'cd as food
for the various species of shell fish, and common •
fish.

The next step in the order of creation seems
to have been the creation of various huge ani*
mals ; some of the lizard tribe, the turtle, the-
crocodile and other rude forms of existence of a
like nature.

The earth at this stage of its existence seems to-
liuve beeB subject to vioUut volcaiiiA action,.

Tomx^ nstffnatvi ITS

^vrKek^iM) doubt, in a ^at measure, caused tkai

inequality on its sarface. We find in the strata^

produced by tkese Gonvnlsiens tKe remains of ani*

tnals and vegetables of various kinds — " which,"

in . the - language of a distinguished author, *^are '

the monuments and evidences 4^ these changes."

There appears next to have been a more per^-

fect creation: land animals -of «'highier order

4han any previously ^rmed, seem now to have

heen created — such, for instance, as the mam--

moth, the megalonix, the hyena^ &g.

** Five successive races of plants," continues
1;he author above quoted, ** and four successive ra-
ces of animals, appear to have been created andl
swept away by the physical revolutions of the
:globe, before the system of things became so per-
manent as to fit the world for man."

As before remarked, we do not, in any of the

^ologieal strata, find tlie remains of man or any

<of fats worits ^ a conclusive evidence that he has

heen. • but ' recently introduced upon the globe. I

-am aware that many well-infbrmed and candid

persons oppose the views above advanced : they

atcribe all the geological changes which are se

manifest on the surface of our globe, to the actioir^

of the waters of the flood: but the fact above ^-

i#d, viz : that the remains of man and his works

fif^enot been jfouBdin.aiixo{t\ie g|9^o\o\QL<:»l#3»r^

1T9 A 9EFEIICB or

ta, furnishes a conclusive refutation of this hypfh
thesis. The flood that swept the earth, and de-^
stroyed the varied orders of existence upon its
surface did not spare man ; for wo are informed
that all the myriads of human beings which then
peopled the earth were destroyed by the whelming
flood, with the exception of eight souls, who were
miiaculously saved in an ark prepared immedi^^
ately under the Divine direction. If, then, the
changes that we see, had been brought about by
the flood the remains of man, and his works ought
to be found with the remains of vegetables and
animals.

This, then, is not a stationary order of things^
but a progressive one.

We have seen the earth gradually emerging
from a chaotic, or nebulous state, and necessarily
improving, until the period when man began his
existance. Animal and vegetable existence—
the remains of which furnish the monuments and
evidences of these changes — improved, necessa*
rily with the improvement of the globe.

One remarkable fact must be observed in these
changes, viz : that the first creations ivere with*
out conscious existence ; the next possessed th*-
merest germs of intellect. At each successive
change subsequently there was an increase ef

V

KEOSO SLAVEKY. TH

mental power, until we reach the high intellect
of man. Mental power has more and more pre-
ponderated at every successive stage of our world's
existence.

It may be proper to introduce other testimonies
to prove the progressive improve mont of our
globe. I take for granted, what I presume no
one will deny, that the globe is governed by the
«ame laws that govern the planetary world gener-
ally. This fact being admitted, there will be no
difficulty in demonstrating the position for which
i contend.

The large telescope invented by Sir Wm. Her-
^chell first opened to astronomers the true theory
of the universe. For the first time it was accu-
rately ascertained that there existed throughout
the universe a mass of unformed, or inorganic
matter, termed nebulous nnatter. This matter is
aggregated at difiTerent points, and is demonstra-
ted to be the material of future worlds ; for the
telescope has reveakd rudimental* globes at difier-
«nt stages of formation, which are gradually
springing out of this matter. Comets are now
¥ery rationally supposed to be globes in a state
of progress, which will ultimately attain a perfect-
ly globular form, and be the abodes of varied ou
o£ BaimAl and reget&ble ^a£&.

WHS 'A^P£FBN<^ trr

One universal law see^om to prevail throc^odt
'the universe* Like animals and plants, wp^?
kave their begimiing or birth, their progressive
knprovement, their maturity, decay, and dissolu--
tion. Fifteen hundred stars, none below the sitdif
degree of Bsegnitude, have disappeared irom dif-
ferent constellations within the last three centu*-
ries. Forty have changed their sizes — several
have been consumed by firo^ They are first oh*
served to present a ^ming rush-light aspect, 80>
bright as to be visible to- the naked eye at noon-
day : they afterwards become pale, a«hy, and
finally disappear altogether. One of these was^
«een to burn sixteen months before it finally dis'-
appeared. These facts- very clearly prove that
stars and planets constitute tio exception to ther
general order : that, IMce animals and plants^ they
l^ave their birth, growth, maturity, decay said dis-
solution* Our worlds seems, even yet very fiir
removed from a state of perfect maturity: iftdeed^
the solar system te^^ which we belong, seene still
to a considerate extent in a nebulous er imper*-
^t state. Astronomers regard the existeftee or
the zodiacal light as proof of the nebulovs siftte
•f the atmosphere of the sun*

Our earth is still in a compajratively rtide, «|i*

•

' Hmcl^velOiped*: nevertheless, its surfece in this
fiparticular is not uniform ; some parts are much
'^more highly improved and cultivated than others,
And climate and other circumstances produce
great and striking peculiarities. Throughout the
vast regions embraced within the arctic circles,
the whole scene is one of cheerless desolation :
there is no cultivation of the earth — no exercise
of imechanical skiM, and the principle that distin-
guishes humanity from the brute creation, is
-Scarcely developed in the dwarfish beings that
inhabit its surface. This cheerless region will
never be a fit abode for man in an advanced state
of civilization, unless there should occur changes
'in climate, which of course cannot be anticipated
42ntil a very distant future.

The torrid zone, embracing a vast belt encir-

H5ling the globe at the equatorial regions is not of

one uniform aspect throughout. ^The continent

'^of Africa, embraced within this circle, is i^ill in

its primeval state-* the forests stand in all their

^.primitive grandeur, and the arts of civilization

• are entirely unknown to its inhabitants. That

• )^rt of Asia, likewise, embraced within this cirolev
^is in a rude uncultivated state: in a word, with
/ t)ut few exc^ption8,^he countries embraced with-
.^iniiheiamd^Que, Jiave J^eeabial M\2C^ ^^R«a«d.

160^ ▲ DEFENCE or

• m
*

by the hand of man. Some few spots (as some
of the West India Islands) have been highly cul-
tivated ; but in nearly every such instance, the
labor has been performed- by the black race un- .
der the direction and control of the white.

It is in the temperate regions pf the earth
where there has been the greatest industry. In
many parts of this region the earth has been car-
ried to a high pitch of cultivation : the various
mechanical arts, have been greatly improved -r-
science has flourished, and every thing which
contributes to the happiness and comfort of man
has been advanced. Nevertheless, the resources
of this favored region are, to a great extent, un-
developed : a large portion of its surface still ex-
ists in a rude, uncultivated state. From the great
improvements which are daily made in the arts
and sciences, we have a right to infer that im-
mense improvements will yet take place in ma-
chinery of all kinds : improvements which will ulti-
mately enable man to perform all necessary labor
^ith but a moderate exertion of his energies.

Until this point is reached, rough physical en-
QEgies are of course necessary to polish the 8ur-
fitce of the earth, develope its resources, and thus
to fit it fot the residence ^f man in the. maturity,
q£ his luanhoofCU

fi^

%;1

9EOBO 8LATEKT. Ul

Mental and physical power are, of course, both,
Hecessary ; but in the actual state of the world,
physical power is most important in working out
the ultimate destiny of this globe. Take our
country, for instance-: we have a vast unpeopled
region — the forests still standing — the earth still
untouched by the hand. of the husbandman. To
cut down this forest -r- plow up the earth — build
}m>uscs and cities — connect tiic various parts of
this vast continent by railroads, canals, and elec-
tric telegraphs, requires something; mpre than
mere head work ; liand work is neoessary, and
foot work — hard bodily labor. The most effect-
ual way to put a stop to all improvement, all pro-
gress, will be to polish our people and make them
gentlemen in the European sense of the term.

Captain Marryatt, Dickens, and other European
travellers, have asserted in their books that the
United States are rapidly tending towards barbar-
ism ; but it is evident that their views are based
upon a total misconception of the true philosophy
of society. We have not, it ; is true^ the poligjh
^nd glitter of European society, nor do we desife
tjiese : we are in the possession of those physi-
cal energies which will ultimately work out for
our country a destiny more glorious than Europe ^
^rer dreamed o£

{

To produce the highest results, mental an!
physical energy must be united : either, taken
separately, would, in a -measure, be inefficient,
'The sixty millions of human beings inhabiting
' the vast continent of Africa, combining so much
physical energy for the want (Omental energy to
control them, do little or nothing. The same is
true of the Hindoos, and the American Indians.
Take mental energy alohe, and there is no im-
provement — no progress"*^ no efficient and use-
ful action : but unite the two, and. you produce
the most wonderful results. ' Extensive and use-
ful plans are formed, which are carried out by the
physical energies of the mass. '-Sciences are cul-
tivated, the useful arts spring iitto existence, and
thus the happiness and wealth*>of society is pro-
moted.

I will now apply the priftciples developed to

' the institution of Slavery «s it ^exists in this coUn-

^ try. Extensive exposure in our southern climate^

as has been repeatedly remarited, is highly detri-

^mental to the constitution of the white maa,

whilst it is weU adaffted to^e Negro. SlaTery

^liere, then, is productive of much good : the great

physical energies of the Negroes are properly di-

rvtected under the guidance oi the superior intellect

'€if the white man ; and in con&ecifMBiiM^^lBA

»

^.gie» and resources of the country are fidly devel-
oped. This uiiion of mental and physical energy
• is working out vast results^ 4he ultimate' ^nd of
•^ which no one can conjecture. I have already
commented at considerable length on the advanta-
ges of Southern Slavery: I shall therefore not
'"^f^sume the subject in this place.

Destroy our Slavery and, you put a stop to all
progress, all improvement at the South : you throw
it back to its primitive state, in which it is only
•-fit for the residence of beasts of . prey. Take
away the guidance of the white man, and you
•alike reduce the country to a solitude ; fer it is
a fact, demonstrated in the history of St. Domin-
^go, and other West India Islands, that the Ne-
groes, left to themselves, will not work. In the
course of half a century, which is about the length
^f time that St. Domingo has been independent,
-ihe products of the island have fallen off in thB
. proportion of one hundred and fifty as compared
«with fifteen. Ev«n within the short period since
£ngland emancipated her Slaves in the West In»
^ies, the products of the islands have, greatly &!!•
«n ofiT. I shall hereafter prove that the nrhoie
scheme of English emancipation in the West In*
ilie«9 has turned out to be a most splendid &iluie«
.Ja^ejiTe»ent at/fiXe of tk^j[^o\i^»BL«iSui»»^

184 A* DSFBNCR OT

division of labour is necessary : the grand restiRf
by this means, is intiniteiy increased. Some are
engaged in the various branches of mechanics —
others in the professions -—^others in agriculture,
and others in the performance of the rougher la-
bor of society, requiring a great expenditure •©
physical energy. This last is the most numerous,
but at the s'une time the most useful class. Being
engaged in constant physical toil, they have but
little time for mental culture : hence, as a class,
they aF-e less advanced, mentally, than any other.

Ignorant men, having a repugnance to physi-
cal toil, will nut voluntarily betake themselves to
it: they must therefore be urged to it by necessi-
ty or by the authority of a superior. In- either
case, he is practically a Slave*- In Great Britain,
theoretical SlaA'^ery doe«. not exist ; but practicaliy
it exists in its worst forms. The poor man,
though theoretically free, is bound by the necessi-
ties, of his belAg, to submit to the hardest drudge-
ry, and at times to the worst possible treatment.
He must live — but to do so, he must woi:k from
twelve- to sixteen hours in the twenty-four*

Authority at the South controls the working
mass, instead of necessity. The energies of the
@lav% are controlled and directed by the intellect
^ti^e titter: li^nce ke V» \iidnceAk.\A Y«i£»coDk».

the great function assigned him in the order of
nature. Society may be compared to a great or-*
ganism, with various functions 4o perform. To
our limited intellects, some are higher, more use-
ful, -and ^nore honorable than others ; but in the
view of an infinite mind, they may be all alike
useful — all alike elevated and honorable. The
Slave that performs his duties well may be as
^lionorable and useful in the eye of infinity, as
the proudest monarch that ever sat upon a throne.
Mr. Jefferson has done society an -injury by
proclaiming the absurd dogma that all men are
born free and equal. In no particular, whatever,
are men born free and equal. Some arc bora
Slaves, and others Monarchs : others are born in
a state of political freedom-— others again in a
state of political bondage. Physically, mentally,
morally, and religiously, men are born very une*
qual.
. Men do not, in the present state of the worlds
stand upon the ground of abstraction ; they stand
ypon the grounds of compromise and expediency :
they take the world as they f^id it, and adopt that
line of conduct under the circumstances which
will best promote the end of their being. The
question always is, Wliat is best under the cir-
cmnatmaceB 1 aad not, What is ^i€«^. m ^^ t&**

m " A' MBFEflCS OV-"

stract ? Men do not, and cannot adopt abstra^ti
priiioiple* of t%ht.* and then con&nn Jtheii actioiM •
to them. We know of no universal truths if hick
are applicable, in the present state of the world,-
to univeFsal mankind : it is therefore foUj to apply
the principles of abstract reasoning jto the insti- ■
tution of Slavery, with a view to its>abolition»

If I am asked whether, according to my views, .
Slavery will ever cease upon our earth— I reply,
that it will, but at a period so distant as to place *
the matter beyond the reach of our calculations.
When the energies- of the globe shall have been '
fidly developed'— when its surface shall have been
brought into a high state of cultivation-— when
mechanical industry shall have produced its high- ~
e«t results, and man in mental improvement shall
have partaken. of the general progress — in a
word, when jthc earth an^ all things upon its sur*
face, embracing man, shall have attained the ma- •
turity of manhood — then may we expect univer- •
aal political and domestic freedom, but not till then. .

But we may expect great changes in human so-
eiety before that period arrives : the unimprova-^
ble races will become extinct. The Indian is al-
ready in a rapid progress towards extinction ; the
HmdOoSy the Chinese and others of that grade,
wsiUjMm&iloyu . The Negi^omih£uca^\»«M»s%*

oir Aaoount of the cliiUQite ; if the white masi could
live in Africa, the Negro would either become his
^ve, or gradually decline like our Indians, and
finall}^ disappear frdm^he eajltb* : The native Aus-
tralian will soon disappear from the earth ; the in-
habitants of the Sandwich Islands, are ii^ a state
©f ^apid dicline. Sixty years ago they numbered
four hundred and fifty thousand ; now their num- ,
bcrs do not exceed one hundred thousand. In .
the course of one century more, they will have
disappeared entirely from the earth, and this in
spite of every effort on the part of Missionaries
and others to elevate them in the scale of civili- .
zation. The inhftbitants of aU the Pacific Is- .
lands will soon follow.^

As before- expressed, though I do not condemn-
Missionary efibrts, J still think their fruits will not
equal our expectations. The destiny of all the
inferior grades of nupdond with the exception,,
probably, of the Negro, b extinction -^ and extinc- .
tion, too, much earlier than mqst people imagine. ^
Were it compatible with tfaoe design of this work,^^
it would be an easy matter to show how this is tOt*
l»e brought about, but I must desist and pass on tOK
Either considerations..

CHAPTEfe Vill.

Position of ekglasd in beferekce to slavert.

The position of England in reference to ilCe
subject of Slavery, is deemed of sufficient impor-
tance to be entitled to a separate consideration.
Her views and sentiments arc especially impor-
tant to the people of this country, on account of
her expressed wish to see Slavery abolished ih
Texas and in the United "States.

We have the principles and the policy of thfe
British government distinctly laid doAvn in a de-
spatch from the Earl of Aberdeen, Her Majesty^s
Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,
to the Right Hon. 'Richard Pakenham, dated I>e.
cember 26th, 1843. His Lordship states, tliat-^

" It must be, and is well known, both to the
United States, and to the whole woiid, that Great
Britain desires, and is constantly exerting herself
to procure the general fi))oiilion of Slavery through-
out the Avorld. But the means which she has
adopted, and will continue to adopt, for this hu-
mane and virtuous purpose, are open and undis-
guised."

Again :

"With regard to Texas, we avow that we wish
U> sec slavery abolished \keie ^ls «i\Bftw\i^\^, ^xsA

-• -.-.l^

TTB dkould rejoice if the rect^ition of that coun*
try by the Mexican Government should be accom-
panied by an engagement oa the part of Texas td
abolish Slavery eventually, and tmder propei* con-
ditions throughout the Republic."

And again 4

" The government of the Slaveholding States
tnay be assured that, although we shall not desist
from those open and honest efforts which we havo
constantly made for procuring the abolition of Sla-
very throughout the world, we shall neither openly
nor secretly resort to any measures which can
tend to disturb their internal tranquility or thereby
to afiect the perpetuity of the American Union."

We have in these extracts the principles and
policy of England distinctly disclosed, Wc are
informed, 1st. That England desires the abolition
of Slavery throughout the world. 2ndly. That she
has been openly exerting herself to bring about
that result, and 3rdly. That she will continue fo-
exert herself for that purpose. As to the viewg
of England upon the subject of Slavery taken in
the abstract, we have nothing to do ; she has a
right to her sentiments upon that, as upon all
other subjects, and so long as those views do not
lead her to act injuriously upon our interests, w«
can, and ought to say nothing. When, how^v^x^
her^ibstract notions upon any 6tt\^oc\.\^«A Vet K*

W9t M- inamcm or-

ibUns&re in our domestic amntgementsy Hum w§.
kiTe a ligiit to tpetdb, maAjwe wiU speak*

B«Cii4iat are the'roeamirew-ltet Eng^land Imw

^yenly adopted to proeure the aMitiotf^of Slarerj;
throu^oul the wovIdT We bear ofno stiefis tar^
ken bj ker to liberate the fort j or fifty millioii9 of
tirhite Slaves in Russia* We have heard of fKr^
hint or even a sqgj^estion to the Russian Govern'-
ment on the sc^ject* In the East Indies^ Slavery
preta3s to a very, great extent, nevertheless, we
hear o€ no efK>rts on- the part of i the British Gov^.
ernment to abolii^ it, dunigh the eountiy jEbrms a
part of her own dominions. Slavery I&ewise
prevails in Turkey, Persaa, Egypt, and in various
parts of Germaiiy, but we hear of no effort oui
the part of England, to bring about its abolition,
though in all those countries she exerts a. very
powerful influence throu^ her several d]f4omatic
agents. In Africa there are net less than foitj
millions of abject Slaves; nevertheless^ no at*
tempt is made by England to liberate them. The
assertion of Lord Aberdeen then, that England
has been making open and honest eflbrts for '*pro*
curing the abolition, of Slavery throughout the
world," must be taken with some limitation.

But what are the open and honest efforts which^
Mrc been inac(e by England V> «iNvi>V\sibL ^\b3«ci i

Ike United States ? We hare lieatd of no propo-
sition to the General or State GoveinmentB in
reference to the abolUiwi* of Slavery. I£J theut
England has been exerting herself to procure the
abolition of Slavery in the United States, her efl
forts have' not been open and undisguised as sha
represents, but just the reverse.

We hear of no proposition' ort'thB part of Eng-
land, to the Braziliair Government, to abolbh
Slavery in* that cottntry. Noub, direcfy, by the
British Government to Spain, on the sulj'ict. In
reference to Texas, the Earl of Aberdeen says :

"We have put ourselves forward in pressing
the GK)vernment of Mexico to acknowledge TexaV
as independent."

And « gain he says:

" We shall rejoice, if the recogmtron of that
country by the Mexrcan Government shall be ac-^
companicd by an engagement on the part of Tex-.
a§ to abolish Slavery eventually, and under prop :r
conditions throughout the Republic.*'

From*thesc declarations it is evident that Ens-

land endeavored to bring about Ihe a-jolition of

Slavery in Texas. The object was to be accom-

pdished- by mt?aiM of her influence in Mexico.—

The recognition of the independence of Texas by

Mexico, was to be accompanied Vf\X\i \^^ cqxil^-

slan ^Abolition ia the formf r.

103 A UEFSSCK OW

But though Great Britain. has done. nothing di-
rectly to bring about the abolition of Slavery on
this side of the Atlantic, except in the case of
Texas, she has done much indirectly. This has
been accomplished through the agency of aboli-
tion societies, and through the influence of par-
ticular abolitionists. Prominent abolitionists have
been appointed by her to impoilant positions in
Slavcholding countries, on this side pf the Atlan-
tic, with a view of acting upon the subject of Slave-
ry. We have a prominent example of this, in the
case of Cuba. Since the year 1817, England has
been permitted, by the treaty which was then
ratified between herself and the Spanish Oovem-
ment, to keep a permanent commission at Ha-
vana, for the execution of said treaty. Her ef-
forts at first were directed to the abolition of tlie
Slave Trade, but after the emancipation cf the
Slaves in her own West India possessions, she
wished to go further and bring about an abolition
of Slavery in Cuba likewise. In the year 1839,
agents were sent by the British Anti-Slavery socie-
ties, to the city of Madrid, in order to make proposi-
tions to the Spanish Government respecting the
abolition of Slavery in Cuba. Among other things,
2t was proposed that the owners of Slaves be com-
pensated as in the casoL ot '&ivVX«\i e\»»xkSA^^&^s^,

The Spanish Government did not, of course, en-
tertain the proposition for a single moment. In
the same year, (we believe) Mr. David TumbuU,
a writer of considerable ability, and a thorough
abolitionist, was appointed Consul, and superin-
tendent of liberated Africans at the Havana. Im-
mediately on his arrival there he commenced a
series of movements which were highly offensive
to the local government. So much so, that his
recall was procured even before his final exequa-
tur. He, however, for some time longer remained
on the Island as superintendent of liberated Afri-
cans, but was finally compelled to leave, so per-
fectly incendiary were his movements in reference
to Slavery* After he lefl Cuba, he resided alter-
nately on the Bahama Islands and in Jamaica.
His removal seems in no degree to have abated
his zeal in favor of emancipation ; for while resi-
ding in the Bahama Islands, he planned an insur-
rection which was to coipmence at Santiago, a
port on the South side of the Island of Cuba,
where he soon afler landed, and commenced ope-
rations in person. He was arrested and sent to
Havana, but was again liberated on condition that
he would leave the Island. He would, in all
orobability have been put on trial for his life.^ ^^'^
ima respect and fear of the BxVLisV GoT^rrMsvetX.

194 M i>mrmvcm or

fllince that time he ha8.re«kled in Jamaica, and hi$
eontinuedy it seems, witk unabated zeal to prose*
cute his plan of a general insurrectioii. His plan
has been detected, exposed. -and defeated ; at least
for the time being. His plan of iasurrection, it
seems, was a general massacre of the white in-
inhabitants by the Negsoes, And the establishment
of the independence of the Island, 4ks in the cage
of St. Domingo. Tambull being the proyisior.al
Governor, the testimony of those who were ex-
amined in reference to this .conspiracy, all agre«
that it was planned and was to be executed by
Tumbull, assisted by a few of the Greeks.

We have here a sample of those " open and
honest efforts to abolish Slavery throughout the
world," and we see the fruits. No case precise-
ly similar has occurred in the United States, but
the abolition excitement at the North has l^eii
stimulated, encouraged, and kept alire mostly by
English abolitionists. But for the interference
of these, the excitement upon the subject would
probably never have commenced; ojr if it had»
would long since have died jatvay* Leading abo-
litionists have several times visited the United
States, in order to illuminate the Northern mind
upon the all-important subject of Slavery : tra^ta
Afid documents of ranoua \LXD&a \iVi^ \x^«\a.iii.iA.

%fv«r and circulat^id. Tlie kte ilble letter of Gon
If amnond of Soutii-Carolina, was called fbi^ im
^art, in'repfy to a ciroidar which was sent over
to this cotil^tiy^by'the albolStionifl(t8 ^f England im
he circulated among the Northern people.

In an 'a1>le article published in the Southern
^uartcrfy Heview, for October, 1842, headed —
** Canaan Identified with the Hthiopuxn^ which
has been commonlj ascribed to ' the pen of Dr.
S. A. Cartwright, of Natchez, Wisa , we are
informed that while the lauthor^was in London a
sfhort time before, lie asceitained ihat the British
Oovemment had instltCited ettensive Inquiies as
to the probslbility of exciting a servile war in the
Southern Stites, and that the conclusion had been
arrived at that in no event could the Slaves bo
stimulated to rebeL Seeing the titter Impractica-
bility of this project, fliey tnmCi^ their attention
to the North with a view df bringing about a dis-
solution of ttie Union, ly stirring up Northern
prejudices against the ^outh upon the subject of
Slavery- They were aware that the South, on
this subject, was in the h^hest degree sensitive ;
and therefore would be apt to breali out into open
violence on the occasion of any impertinent in-
tcrforence on the part of the Noith. Her leadin|^
^jeot WAS the promotion o£ \^x islSssi^t'^ V| <tt^

1^ A TfETEUfCS €T

dfestruction of ours :. but more on tkU subject
Bereafler*

Here we lare amot&er mstauce ^f tbe ** ©pen
and honest efforts of England to procure the abo-
lition of Slarery throughout the world.'^ Dr;
Cartwright is a gentleman of eminent talent and
strict integrkj ; and would not, therefore, make
any assertion which was not susceptible of proof.
He states that the documents from which he drew
the above facts were evidcntlj not designed for
the public eje, but for the private use of a Junto*
in London. He endeavored to get them publish*
ed in London, but without success.

But what are the motives of England in so ar»
dently desrring the abolitioni of Slavery in this
country, m Texas, and in the West Indies ] Is
she governed by motives of philanthropy, or i»
there some mixture of selfishness! A statement
•f facts will thsow. sonote light oa this subject.

The direction of her efforts- to this contineni
alone, to the neglect of Slavery in Europe, Asia,
and Africa, where it exists in a form much more
severe than any thing known in this country^
should alone excite our suspicions as to the puii-
tj of her motives^ But when this is connected
with an important end to be gained, hy abolition
•a;thi& continent^ our suspicions as to the yuiitx

msGMo s&AVKsr. 197

of her motivies, become positire certainties. The
destruction of Southern prosperity on this conti*
nent would not, in reality promote the interest of
England, but such seems to be the opinion of
those that control her public affairs : hence the
determined spirit of hostility in England against
the interest and prosperity of this country.

There seems, of late, to have sprung up in Eng-
land a spirit of irrepressible jealousy of the Uni-
ted States : the London Times, and other leading
journals in the interest of the aristocracy, have
poured out the ^'ials of their wrath upon us of
late, on account of Texas and Oregon. But I
must now direct the attention of the reader to
gome facts bearing upon the case under consider-
ation :

The emancipation of the British West India
Slaves has resulted, in one particular, differently
from what was anticipated. It has turned out to
be not only a costly experiment, thus far, but
threatens to be equally, if not more so, in future ;
for the whole of the fixed capital in those islands,
stands upon the very brink of ruin.

I shall, on this subject, freely avail myself of
the facts contained in a despatch from the Hon.
John C. Calhoun to the Hon. William R. King,
United QioXes Minister at the Coxist ^^ ^t^s^^^j^

tW % j^nvwKem CRT

^ated, Washington, August >12th, 1844. Mr. Xk
acknowledges himselF 'indebted for his fitcts and
estimates, to Blackwood's Magazine, for April,
1 844 -— an English ^riodi<ml •of ^e Ifighest ch&-
racter.

In the first p4ace, England 'paid f 100,000,009
to the owners of the etnancipii^d Slaves, for thek
firecdofn. The increased? price of sugar, and oth-
er tropical' productions,- as the result of the ^man^
cipation, it is estimated, has* co6t the English peo-
ple fifty millions more — whilst it is estimated
that one <hundrcdmiillrons have been expended in
the suppression of the Slave Trade : -making in
tlie aggregate, t25O',000,O00,Nas'rtiB remilt»of the
experiment. Her tropical .productions have so
greatly diminished in quantity since the emanci-
pation,' thit instead of- supplying herself and the
rest of the world as formerly, she is scarcely able
to supply ' herself with some of the most in^r^
(ant articles. ,

"*Whdt is worsej" says Mr. Calhoun, "her
<ywn -colonies are actually consuming sugar pro*-
duced by Slave labor, brought direct to England,
or refined in bond and exported and sold in her
colonies. as che^p or cheaper than thej can be
punihased 'there ; while the Slave Trade, instead
•f diminishing, has been in fact, carried on to a
^eatex extent than ever. So diiaa.«ltQUA ba.« bees.

tke result, Unit, her fiKed«capital vested in tropical
possessions, estimated at the value of nearly fiva
hundred millions of dollars, is said to stand on the
brink of ruih."

But not o&lj have the productions -of 'the Brit**
ish possessions in «the WeM ladies greatly &llen
off, but other nations that still continue Slave la-
lor in and near the tropics, have increased their
productions to an enormous extent. There has
been vested by them in tropical productions, it
is estimated, since the year 1808, the sum of
•4;OOO,OGO;O00 in fixed capital, whoHj depend-
ent on Slave labor. During the same period, the
annual value of their products has .pisen itis. esti-
mated .fiom $72,600,(>0G, to $220,000,600. Tlie
amount of fixed capital vested by England in trop-
ical productions during the same period amounts to
the sum of $830,000,000, whikt the annual val-
ue of her products has &llea to about $50,000,000.

In the year 1842, the British East and West .
Indies and Mauritius, produced 3,903,771 cwt, of
sugar, while Cuba, Brazil and the United States* /^
excluding other countries having tropical posses- ^-^
sions„ produced ^,600,000 cwt. Of coffee, during ^
the same year, the £ri;tlsh possessions produced
^7,393 003, .while Ciiba ^and iBraul 4>roducell
301,590, 125 lbs. Of cotton, the .British posses-
jfhDS!, iacludiag sh^meaU to C\ttn».^ ^ifi^Aaa^

SCO X DSFBKCB or

only 137,443,446 lbs., while the United States,

alone, produced 790,479, 273 lbs.

"This vast increase of capital and produc-
tions," eontinues Mr. Calhoun, " on the part of
those nations who have continued their former u
policy towards the Negro race, compared with?}^
that of Great Britain, indicates a corresponding
relative increase of the means of commerce, nav-
igation, manufactures, wealth and power. It is
no longer a question of doubt, that the great
source of wealth, prosperity, and power of the
more civilized nations of the temperate zone, (es-
pecially Europe, where the arts have made the
greatest advance) depends, in a great degree, on
the exchange of their products with those of the
tropical regions. So great has been the adv^ancc
made in the arts, both chemical and mechanical,
within the few last generations, that all the old
civilized nations can, with but a small part of their
labor and capital, supply their respective wants ;
which tends to limit within narrow bounds the
amount of commerce between them, and forces
them all to seek for markets in the tropical re-
gions, and the more newly settled portions of the
globe. Those who can best succeed in command-
ing those markets, have the best prospect of out-
stripping the others in the career of commerce,
navigation, manufactures, wealth and power."

Such being the state of things, it is a question

of vast monient with the British statesmen, how

ghall they regain their control over the produce

of the tropical regions'! Y?\»X ^\m!l ^ftaSJi >&%

adopted to save from ruin the vast capital vested
by the English in tropical possessions 1 To ac-
complish thfese objects, two expedients have been
adopted, or rather suggested — ^-fbr but one of themf
has been reduced fully to practice : 1st. To in*
crease the number of laborers in her own West
India possessions, by encouraging the emigration
of Negroes from Africa ; and 2d. To bring about
an abolition of Slavery in countries having tropi-
cal possessions — as, for instance, the United
States, Texas, Spain, and Brazil.

In furtherance of the first object, viz : cheap-
ening labor by increasing the number of laborers.
Great Britaip, in addition to a large number of
Negroes brought over from Africa to the West
Indies, has her eye likewise fixed upon Eastwn
and Central Africa, and upon her East India pos-
sessions. 'By the forty-fourth section of the Eng-
lish emancipation act, it is declared, that *' It shall
not extend to any of the territory in the possession
of the East India Company, er the islatids of Cey-
lon or St. Helena." TBe whole of the English
East India possessions are filled with Slaves, and
the" number is continually increasing. They are
in a state of abject Slavery — are bought and sold
as Slaves are in this country — and, altogether,
their condition is infinitely woTse iSaaxL\X\»X ^'^ ^'^t

tM it pnvsaccx or

Slaveth. 91a ve8 in Indian are deriv^ed* from- a rarh

etjT of 0ources, and belong, to several classes :• l^t

Thetlescendantsof those who afetaken- prison^

ers in .time of war. SSd. Persons kidnapped from

the neighboring. Statesib 3d..PersoRS'bom unde»

eircumstances sa low as to be* con8idei*ed ont of

the pale of the ordinary castes*. 4th«.Person»

smuggled in from Africa.

" Will it be believed that goverment itself parti-
cipates in this description .of property? that it ac>
tually holds possession of Slaves, and lets them,
out for hire to the cultivators of the country ? The
rent of a whole family being two faims, or half a
rupee (about three dollars and fifty cents, the hire*
of a Slave and his whole faimily);per annum."*

But what is the «ourse of England in reference
to Slavery and the Slave Trade in the West Indies?.
It might be supposed after the expenditure of so
much money to abolish Slavery in hef W^est In-
dia possessions, that Slavery, there had entirely
ceased, and that the Slave Trade had been efTcc-^
tually suppressed. But any. one ai-riviiig at fliis
conclusion, is certainly la1)oring undera rory grogs
mistake. The Sluve trade has actually been revi'
lied under a new form hy the British Covernmen' ii^
telf, and Slavery has been established under a
form more oppressive than that which was alolished^
* AsisLtk Journal for. l&^a— ^^ "^^^^

HaOSO-SIiATSBY. dM

It i^ known to the reader that England and
•everal other nations, keep a number of vessels-
en the coast of Africa Loiorder to put an end to the
Slave Trade. Vessels taken by the English crui-^
•ers with.'African.Slavea oik board, are taken into*
the English colonj; of Sierra Leone, and then*
condemned; the captors receiving;^ seven pounds
lor everj Slave taken. Formerly the Slaves thus*
liberated, were kept at Sierra Leone, and for a
short time allowed sations, being kept in^the- mean-
time under strict subordination. Afler a short
time they were allowed a portion of ground, on
which to make their own subsistence. But lately,
since the English Government has seen fully the
disastrous consequences of West India, emanci-
pation, the liberated Slaves haye been induced, by*
various acts, to emigrate to the West Indies^ there
to be apprenticed to the planters for a term of
fourteen years, in order to pay their passage.
Black delegates are sent from the West Indies to*
Sierra Leone in^ order to enlist emigrants; and
as the captives are not sufficiently numerous to
supply the demand, those Hack ddegates have
purchased of the head men the right to enlist th«
Kroomen of the interior, for the West Indies. Ai
distinguished member of the French Chamber,.
VL Barreyer, in a speech deliyeied\y;j Vvkl/^^^^v.

n4 A DTFBiros or

or two ago, stated that in June 1643, the English
Government had issued an "order in council*'
authorizing the importation into Dcmarara, of o»^
hundred thousand hired Negroes from Africa. And
in confirmation of this, a French merchantman
saW) in the river Gambia, an English vessel of
five hundred tons, take in five hundred Africans
for the English colonies. A remark is proper
here. According to our nnvj regulations no veS"
sel can take in more than two passengers for
every five tons burthen of the vessel; in England
they are allowed to take in three passengers for
every five tons burthen. In the case above men-
tioned, one Africail was taken on for every ton of
the vessel, though the rooms must have been pre-
viously occupied by the officers and crew.
Nothing in the history of the Slave Trade can sur-
pass this in point of cruelty.

When the Negroes reach the West Indies, they
are apprenticed as before mentioned. Now what
must be the result of this system ? The Negro is
bound as an apprenticed Slave during the better
part of his life ; in his old age, probably, he is
thrown upon tlie world to earn his owti subsistence,
without the knowledge or the capacity to obtain a
decent support. And the reasonable presumption
M^ that he iriU be treated woiBe aiidv^OTk&d\!L«i.TdAt

l^tfb if he were the {uropertj ofhis master for life^
No doubt, too, frauds will be practised upon the Ne-
groes ; some will be fraudulently kept in Slaveiy
for life, for the Negro has no way of protecting
his rights against the white man.

In the foregoing remarks, wc have one pf the.
means developed by which England is l^teuy^Qjag;
to increase her tropical productions, miff b]jHl(^
means still maintain her ascendency in rnffu»e«^y;
navigation, manufactures, wealth and po \V2 1\ But,,
as before noticed, she is attempting to accomplish
the same end by other means — ^the abolition of
Slavery in the United States, in Texas, in Cuba,
^nd in Brazil. She very rightly thinks that ths
abolition of Slavery in the countries named,
would so utterly ruin and cripple their prosperity,
as to give her the ascendancy in all tropical pro-
ductions. I have already commented at considcra>-
ble length on this subject, and shall, therefore, de-
vote but few additional words t6 its further con-
sideration. The principles and policy of thfK^'l*^'"
British Government on the subject of Slavery hav|j^'^
been already commented upon at some lengt
The Earl of Aberdeen, it will be recollected, d
clared that England desired to see Slavery ab
ished throughout the world, and that she was con-
stantly exerting herself for that puii^^e* 1 ix^Njlc,v^
14

*.K.'

(

909 A- vAihnrcs 09^

the means bj which England expected to eJO^et
abolition on this continent, and particularly noticed
the efforts of Mr. Tumbull, the English Consul at
Havana^ to abolish Slavery on the Island of Cuba*
I likewise noticed the means put in operation here
and iiji Texas to effect an emancipation of our
Slav^''*''All the facts and details bearing on th*
9ul:ject, feaVe no doubt as to the selfish policy of
EnglaiicT. Hunfiahity, no doubt, mingles in the
Hiotivc§ that tictuate her,. but a desire to aggraj^^-
djze self,' constitutes the leading motive*.

1

CHAPTER rX.

PUmTHEK REMARKS OlS THE FOIilCY OJP ENGLAND^
IN CONNEXION WITH THE SLAVE TRADE AND
THE RIGHT OF SEARCH.

England, it will be rec^lected, was among the
St to begin the Slave Trade, and probably was
pre benefited by the traffic than any other na-
A. ^fler the United States had abc^shed.. it^
Ecoipoor^ting its abolition into the organic law
of the nation, it was still opOBliiraed by the.En^ah

Ms early as the fear 1562, Sir John HaM4ciiili'
mailed for the West coast of Africa, and there pro-^
«cured several ship loads of Slaves, ^hich he sold
in* the' West India Islands. Queen Elizabeth was
■so much pleased with theTesult of this expedition^
that she readily formed a copartnership with Efaw"^
^in«, stipulating to share the flfture risks and pro-
mts of the trade. Chartered companies were sub-
sequently formed to which were granted a monopo-
ly of the trade ; but so loud was the clamor
against the injustice of these 'monopolies, that Par-
iliament in 1697, was induced to pass an act grant-r
5Dg to all the sulorjects of Great Britain the right
*3to carry on this trade.

In the year. 1689, England, in a treaty with
*Spain, sC^pidated to- supply the Spanish colonies
nvitli Slaves. The treaty of Utrecht, in 1713, ar-
.ti51e 12th., fixed the supply^ of Negroes at fout'
^thousand eight hundred annually, for thirty years.
In- the treaties of Aix la- Chapelle and Madrid,^
£ngland obtained an extension of this monopoly.
In the year 1792, there were* twenty- six acts of
Parliament authorizing and ftivoring the Slave*
Trade. In the year 1797, England took posses-
4iion of ^he then Dutch colonies of Demarara,
Cruiana and Berbice. On account of war these*
lalaods had not been sny^ied with Skives^ but iab-

(

!2^ j^ bbfbucb or

mediately after the cessation of hostilities, they
were sent in great numbers. According to the es-^
timate of the Edinburg Review, they were sent to-
those colonieB at the rate of fifty -seven thousand
per annum, but Anderson, in his History of Com-
merce, estimates the annual supply at one hun-
dred thousand. Most of the English colonies cit
the American continent earnestly an.i {orserer-
ingly protested against the Slave Trade, but Eng-
land persisted regardless of all opposition.

The first opposition to the Slave Trade i»
England commenced about the year 1787 or
'83. In 1792, Mr. Wilberforce moved in the^
English Parliament, the abolition .of this trade,
but his motion failed by a large majerity. From
this time until the year 1807, the subject was per-
severingly discussed in Parliament; this year
they succeeded in passing an act providing for thft
abolition of the trade. To accomplish this re-
suit, however, the opponents of the Slave Trade
were compelled to change their ground of attack*
At first they attacked the trade on the grounds of
humanity and justice, but seeing that these argu«
ments had no effect whatever on the rulers of the
Kingdom, they abandoned these, and urged the
ground of interest alone.

They urged that the English Colonies were

tnSOBO SLAYEBT. ^09

tiinply sDpplied with Slaves, whilst the Colonies
of other nations were not — that these other na«
tions, so soon as Er^land abolished the trade ,
ivoold be bound to follow her example — Whence
the scheme would greatly benefit the Agriculture,
trade, navigation and manufactures of England.
The scheme was carried througk on the ground
that it would secure the supremacy of England
in the Agriculture and trade of the tropics, with-
out the least regard to the motives of humanity
and justice. As further evidence of Uie truth of
this, the trade, during its discussion in the Eng-
lish Parliament, greatly increased. Take the
island of Jamaica : in the year 1787, this island
•contained a black population of only 250,000, in
twenty years thereafter, that is, in the year 1807,
this population had increased to 400,000. It was
likewise urged by the opponents of the Slave
Trade, that if it were abolished, a more lucrative
trade could be established with Africa. Presu-
ming that other nations would be bound to follow
iier example in the abolition of the trade, she sup-
posed that her superior manufacturing industry
and skill would enable her to monopolize the
whole of the African Trade. Spain, Portugal,
and other nations engaged in the trade, commonly

lecturer .«« were calculat^fi %• please the fancy jS

. the Negrtfea*- Now England supposed that by in*-

ducing other nations W foUow her example ki

abolishing the trade, she coald readily monopolize

the "whole of this lucrative commerce. Mr» Wnrr-

BREAD said, that —

" The suppression of the Slave Trade was re--
garded in the British Parliament less as a questio»
of humanity, than as an account of profit anrfi
loss, where the gold of England was balanced
against African blood*"

In furtherance of her policy, England had no*
aooner abolished the Slave Trade in her own colo»
nies, than she commenced a series of efibrta to in-
duce others to follow her example^ Lord Lauder-
dale was despatched by Mr. Fox on this mission, t»
the Court of France, in the year 1907. The
French Cabinet refused to listen to the proposition
which was made by the English Government, and
gave for reasons " that England was enabled to
abolish the Slave Trade, because her ooloniefr
were abundantly supplied with blacks. That
was not the case with the French colonies ; and
while it would cause no inconvenience to Eng-
land, it would operate very disadvantageonsly to
France."^ After the peace of 1814, England re-
doubled her efforts to induce others to abolisk
He /Slave Trade ; she was Ceax^ \k«l^ikQ^ <^<^^

Niies which hackiot supplied themselves with Slaveffe
during the v^r^ would «.vail themselves of the

Hlien existing peace in order to ;get ^ ftdl suppljc.
England was fearfol that if other nations con^

"tinned the Slave Trade afler it was abolished by
her, that they would be enabled to outstrip her in
the supply of tropical productions, and in naviga-

»tion, commerce, and manufactures. Hence Lord
Castlebeagh, in a confidential communicati(Hi
to the Duke of Wellington, asks :

"How England will be able to succeed in
wresting from the colonies of other nations the af^
vantage they derive from the possibility of carrying
-on the Slave Trade?"

England applied to Ferdinand, King of Spain, to
'iAduce him to abolish the Slave Trade, but he re-
fused to listen to the propositionr But when the
subject was brought before the Congress of Vien-
^iia, the English Minister, Lord Castlereagh, afle*
>Tour successive sittings, obtained the declaration
of all the powers represented in the Congress, that
they would abolish the trade. This was on the
8th of February 1815, but notwithstanding this
'unanimous and positive declaration of principlot
there was no immediate practical result.

France agreed to abolish the Slave Trade oil
tte -third of Jujy, 1815— -and S^inv^ ^^'^ ^^^**

tf of Madrid, September 23d, 1817, agreed'—^
and in consideration of the sum of jS400,0(M) ster-
ling, to abolish the Slave-Trade immediately, nortft
ef the equator ; and after the thirtieth of Septem-
ber, 1820, to abolish it altogether.

I will here introduce the language of Mr. Wie-
BERFORCE himsclf, in reference to the motives of
England, in this treaty with Spain. Mr. Wil-
BERFOROE declared on the 7th of February, 1818:

" That the pecuniaiy sacrifice would be greatfy
eompensated'by thecoBamercial advantages Eng-
land would derive from the treaty." "That
Spain, ceasing to carry merchandise to the coast
of Africa in exchange for Slaves, England would
take her place, and distribute the products of her
manufactures fron>the Senegal to the Niger, over
an immense extent of territory."

Lord Palmerston likewise remarked:

" That the abolition of the Slave Trade had
served to develope the commerce and navy of
England."

I might, were it necessary, introduce a great
variety of other testimonies to prove the selfish
policy of England in connexion with the Slave
Trade ; but having said what is deemed sufilicient
on this subject, I shall proceed to make a few re*
viarks on the Right of Sear<^. So much of late
Ifia b^en said on this subjoct, that I deem, it ^jji*

tx. to say but little about it ; though, as die selUsh
policy of Great Britain was never more manifest
than in her action on this sul]ject, it is deemed
proper to call the attention of the reader to it for
& short time.

Notwithstanding the existence of various trea.-
ties establishing the liberty of the seas, and the
rights of neutrals, the British Government,, on the
8th of June 1793, issued an order in council to
all her naval commanders to stop all vessels
bound to France, or any of its dependencies,
whether wholly or only in part laden with grain.
A proposition was made to the King of Denmark
to permit the English, to search Danish ves-
sels suspected of being laden with grain for
France ; but this proposition was peremptorily re-
flised by Count Bernstorf, jninister of the King of
Denmark. In the year 1800, Mr. Mebry, charge
d'a0aires from Great Britain to the Court of Den^
mark, presented the following note, viz :

"The search and examination of merchant
vessels at sea, of whatever nation, without refez-
ence to cargo or destination, is assumed by Great
Britain to be an incontestible right belonging to
all nations at war."

The assertion of this principle by the English

Government led to the formation of the Northera

leOr by which Russia, Prus^v^ «A&.^i^Afiay^

'^Uiiiting'with Denmark, determined to redst ftnek
an unjust prttension. *Vhej armed themselres,
and prepared to defend their rights; 'but England
nicvertheless still maintained the tprinciple for
which she had contended. I will here give the
reply of the Prussian minister to Lord Carysfort,
-on this subject. He said-:

" That the British Government had arrogate3
to itself, in the present war, the supremacy of the
seas ; and in forming for itself a naval code which
it would be impossible to conciliate with the rights
of man: would exercise over other nations"-
Triends or neutrals- — a usurped jurisdiction, the
legitimacy of which it sustains, and, "wishes to
palm upon us an imprescriptible right. Hence k
is not surprising, that, after so many multiplied
vexations, the neutral powers should have concei-
•'ved the design of seeking a remedy against it :
and, in this view, to fix upon a concert of action,
in order to establish'-lheir rights, and put them in
;a situation to maintain them against belligerent
.•powers."

The death of Paul, Emperor of Russia, led to
'the dissolution of the armed neutrality. The
sovereign that succeeded him being friendly te
JEngland, backed out from the Northern Alliance,
*nd formed a treaty with England, yielding the
g>rinciple for which the latter had contended. Tht
#iber Aorthem j>ower8 were deej^ly chagrined 4Kt

4lk'«iep-tilk'fiiepiiit oif-ltiissia; but tbeifrgwliol*
~ ly unable to help themselve&s ^^^ "were compelK
««d finally to yield. Afler this, England commit-
"^ed acts^ both towards France and the neutral
powers, unequalled in atrocity in the history cJf
4he world.

France retaliated, by issuing the Berlin and
Milan decrees. These opened the eyes of the
different nations of the world, and in 180T, Rusk
*ia recalled the principles invoked by Catharine
in 1780. But England had succeeded in drawing
jtlmost all the European powers into the sup-
port of her principles : in fact, the United States
was left alone to contend for the rights of nations
on the seas ; and 'they did contend manfully—
maintaining then the same principles for which
we have so successfully contended of late. We
iAlways have, and always will contend for our
rights upon the seas. We deny in toto the right
of belligerants to search the vessels of neutrals";
.mnd we are unwiUing to grant by treaty, or other-
lyise, the right to any nation to ^isit or search our
vessels at sea.

The peace of 1814, of course, put an end t»
fhe right of search, as it was only claimed, in the
Absence of treaties stipulating it, as a right be-
tonghig to beii^erents* But EiTi^«>.iii\:^ \A.^rvsM^

216 .▲ DBFSNOa OF-

•eeii the adTftntage« resoltiiig from the adnissimi
of this principle, sought, immediately after peace,
the formation of treaties with difierent nations,
allowing the mutual right of searcbt under the
pretext of suppressing the Slave Trade* A prop-
osition to this effect was made to France through
the Duke of Wellington, but was promptly reject-
ed. Another proposition was made of a similar
kind, by Lord Castlereagh to Prince Talleyrand,
at the Congress of Vienna. The Prince replied
in the name of France — " That he would never
admit any other police o{ the seas than that
which each nation exercised over its own vessels."
England was more fortunate with Spain, Portugal,
and the Netherlands; for in the year 1817, all
three of these powers- entered into treaties with
England, granting the right of search, under the
▼ery plausible pretext of putting a stop to the
Slave Trade.

The English mmister. Lord Castlereagh, wa«
so well pleased with the result of his negotiationa,
that very early in the year 1818, he assembled
the representatives of all the maritime powerf^
and requested them to transmit to their respective
courts a proposition to form a treaty allowing the
smitual right of search, with a view of putting a
itoj» to the Slave Trade. * Etwace, tk« fee€axe, t«y

1

jilted the propositien* The Duke of Richelieu
remarks :

" That the offer of reciprocity was illusory ;
and the unavoidable conflicts to which the exer-
ciRe of the right of search must give rise, would
have a tendency to disturb the harmony then ex*
isting between the two governments."

Repeated efforts were made by England to in-
duce France to enter into arrangements with the
other powers, to put a stop to the Slave Trade,
but all efforts were unavailing. France still
continued to reject all propositions to this effect.
But after the revolution of 1830, which placed
Louis Philippe on the French throne, France
found herself unable any longer to resist the per-
severing efforts of England to form a treaty allow-
ing the mutual right of search. Accordingly, the
treaties of September 30th, 1831, and of 1833,
were ratified. By these treaties, France bound
herself to the Netherlands, Great Britain, Spain,
and Portugal, to allow the mutual right of search,
in order to put a stop t o the Slave Trade,

On the 15th of July, 1840, another treaty wa»
entered into by the several powers above named.
With the exception of France, with a view of
more effectually suppressing the Slave Trade, as
it had in&reased in spite of every effotllo «vx^^t^^^

31B A DBFEmm or

it. M. Guizot, tlie Frendi minister, signed tfai
treaty, but tkc Chamber refused to ratify it, and
this action of the Chamber was found to agree
Miith. the voice of llie -nation — public sentiment—
^vhich we arc happy to find becoming omnipotc at
in France, as it is in the United States. The
United States, as before, refused to enter into «ny
alliance allowing the right of search. That Eng-
land has been governed throughout in this matter
by ambitious and selfish motives, is peiiectly man-
ifest from the acknowledgements of her public
men, the repeated declarations of the French
Government, and all other facts connected with
the case;

England is aware that all e^rts to suppress"
the Slave Trade have proved, and are likely to
continue to prove, utterlyj unavailing : and it is
known to her, too, that these eSoria have greatly
increased' the mortality of &e middle passage.
The number of Africans imported to the West
Indies and Am^^rica, in the year 1787, was esti-
mated to be forty-five thousand ; and the mortali-
ty of the middle passage was estimated at* only
fi-^ per cent., now. admitted not to have exceeded
nine per cent. In the year 1840, it was declared
hj, Sir Thomas F&i9^\ B«aton, that the nomber
cif Afticans sold into Stareryioa the oontin^Bti

and in the West Indies, amounts to at least one
hundred and ififly thousand souls : and this, tooj
in the face of all opposition — the Slave Trade
being abolished by all nations — 4eclai^ piracy
by several, if not all of them.-— and when a per-
fect fleet or vessels is kept on the ocean with the
express view of putting an end to it."* And in
addition to all this, the mortality of the middle^
passage, in consequence of the efforts mi
suppress the trade, has increased to twenty-fiv<
thirty per cent.

Now in view of these results what but madness
can induce a continuance of the preset efforts ?
If England had no sinister design in view, she
ccrtaialy would not persist in a course, the direct
tendency of which is, to quadruple the very hor--
rors which she seems desirous of mitigating.

The truth is, no reasonable doubt, can now re*
main as to the motives of England in reference
to the abolition of the Slave Trade — the estab*
Ushment of the right of search in time of peace
— and the abolition, of Slavery in the West In-
dies. She has been governed throughout, by a
Mngle desire, to promote hei" own power and
greatness, and to cripple the influence and power
of others.
^J, H.limmQDdk Letter to ThMuCto^^iMa^^^^Vy^

2!20 A BEFEKCS OY

Tlie gigantic strides of the United States to
power and greatness have aroused all the jealousy
of the British nation against us. At this time,
ivc constitute the special objects of her attention :
scarcely a mail now comes across the Atlantic
that does not bring the anathemas of the Englisfh
press against us. The annexation of Texas, and
our claim to Oregon, constitute the pretexts for
this tirade of abuse. According to the English
organs, the world has never witnessed any thing
equal in atrocity, to our conduct in annexing Texas
to this Union, overlooking almost every page of
English history for the last seventy years. Even
at this time, without any pretext but a desire for
self aggrandizement, she contemplates adding the
ricTi province of the Punjaub to her already
boundless possessions in the East.

CHAPTER X.

EMAXCIPAnON.

The opponents of Slavery at the North, advo-
aate nn inunediate and uucouds^oiksi ^toajycv^tLQa

^GkO itLATESY. 221

••©f all Slaves, throughout the length and breadth
of the Skveholding States of this Union. They
expect to accomplish this object in the District of
Columbia through the agency of Congress, and
in the States, through the agency of the State
legislatures. This action of Congress, and of
the several State Legislatures is to be effected
hy means of a change of sentiment on the part
of the American people on the subject of Slavery,
induced by arguments addressed to their under-
'^tandings and consciences, both in the SlavehoW-
ing, and in the non-slaveholding States of the Union.

I wish to call the attention of the public to this
subject, beginning with the power of Congress
over Slavery in the District of Columbia. The
advocates of abolition claim the power under
that clause of the Constitution that confers upon
Congress "exclusive legislation in all cases," in
*the District of Columbia.

Mr. Van Buren, even, believes that Congress
can abolish Slavery in the District, though he dif-
fers widely from the Abolitionists as to the expe-
diency of doing so ; he thinks that the obligations
resting upon the several States of the Union, not
*to interfere with Slavery in the District of Colum-
bia, are as imperative as if they were ei.^T^%%

caastitutionsd proiubitioua on tVi^ sw&a^QcV» ^ax\^*
15

222 A. ]>£FENOB OF

an evidence of the sincerity of tliis opinion, He^
promised to veto any law interfering with Slave-
ry, either in the States, or in the District of Cx)-
lumbia.

But let us see whether Congress has the pow-
e^" to abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia.
It certainly has exclusive legislative power in the
' District, but did it never occur to the advocates of
ejnancipation, that legislative bodies cannot do all
things ? Because Congress has exclusive power
to pass laws for the benelit of the District, it has
no right to say that the throats of all the inhabi-
tants shall be cut, their houses burned down, or
their property conliseated. There are bounds to
legislative action which cannot be passed without
the fiee consent of the people, to be efiected by
the legislation. No legislative body has the right
to take the property of the people without their
consent, and appropriate it to their own use, or to
confiscate it, or to do any thing with it, except
to pass laws for its protection, unless the exigen-
cies of the State in time of war require it.

Now, as Negroes are recognized as property by
the constitution and laws of the United States,
Congress certainly can have no power without
the consent of the Slave owners to abolish Slave-
ys ifl the District of ColuDobiai. '>N*\V\l\Jc:y% ^i««k>

I^ORO SLAVERY. ^^

«eiit, I confess that Congress would have the cois
stitutional power, but the moral right would not
-exist even in that event.

When the constitution of the United States
"was framed, the subject of Slavery presented
many difficulties, but finally the whole matter wa?s
adjusted, very much to the satisfaction of all par-
ties. The constitution contains an express prd-
vision for the recovery of Slaves that may escape
from their Masters, and flee to other States, whether
•Slaveholding, or non-slaveholding. Three-fifths
of our Slaves are represented in the Congress
t>f the United States ; and the whole frame-work
of the constitution embraces protection to the
South in this important particular. Upon no other
terms would the South have consented to the con-
stitution at all. There is not a single Slave State
that would have consented to enter the Union upon
uny other terms, than those of ample protection
to Southern interests. Nor would Virginia and
Maryland ever have consented to the cession of
the District of Columbia, if they had for a mo-
ment supposed that their rights and interests would -
have boon thereby aflected.

Under ail these circumstances, the obligations •
of Congress, not to abolish Slavery m \\\^ Y^x-sXtv*.
4^ Columbia, even supposing Ihe^ ^^o^wer \.o e'XAJ^*

2S& A rDEFENCK 'OF

the effects of a similar exeiternent upon the wliit^
race. As has been before remarked, the Negro
and the white man differ widely in this particular-
the Negro, in his whole constitution ef body and
i»ind is adapted to Slavery ; he is satisfied with
that condition and desiies no other. Tlie white
man, on the contrary, neither in body or mind, is
adapted to this condition; when enslaved, he is
ever restless arid unhappy, and never fails to avail
himself of the tirst chance to effect bis escape.

What has been the result of the abolition ex-
citement upon the white population at the South ?
I shall here be compelled to differ with my friends,
I am fullv satisfied that discussion has tended to
strengthcTi the institution rather than otherwise^
When this discussion first commenced years ago,^
scarcely a man could be found in the Union who
liad the boldness to advocate Slavery as an ab-
etract right. Slavery was defended simply upon
tlie ground of expediency, and hence all parties^
agreed, that it should be abolished just as soon a?
it could be effected. So strong in fact, was the
anti- slavery feeling at the South, that the State of
Virginia, the largest Slave State in the Union^
came within a few votes of abolishing it. I well
recollect the sensation created by the publication
of Professor Dew's woik on ^\wftT^, «»Q\3aa fifteea

f.

.yeters since. The abolition excitement Was just
then beginning at the the North, and the South
had no arguments to meet them ; they had never
pretended to defend Slavery in the abstract, hence
tliey were taken all aback by the arguments of
I their opponents. But Professor Dew's work
opened the eyes of the South upon the subject ; he
advocated Shivery upon the ground of abstract
right, and thu3 we were prepared with arguments
to meet our opponents.

Since that time v,e have had various able pub-
lications on the subject ; many sermons and lec-
tures, which have greatly enlightened the public
mrnd on this institution. But they have not, as I
humbly conceive, presented the full strength of the
argument in favor of Slavery, and the present work
is a feeblQ attempt to supply the deficiency.

As the public mind has been enlightened, men
have become more and more convinced of the in,
dispensable necessity of Slavery in the present
state of the world. As has been before remarked
practical Slavery does, and musi necessarily evis^
in all countries. The laws may abolish the insiitu. \'
iion, bid the necessities of existence will force Slamry
upon all the poorest classes of society. This is the
fact in England, and in nearly all other countries
>where theoretical Slavery does not eiList.

A

\

The state of the world must greatly change*
before Slavery can in reality be abolished; the
means of living must bo within the reach of all .
elassesy without the^necessity of any considerable
degree of haixi drudgery. In a word, agriculture ,
the mechanic arts, and machinery of all kindis^
must so improve,- that men, without any considera-
ble toil, can supply all things needful for their
comfort and happiness. So long as there is rough
work to do, there must be rough hands to do it,
and these rough hands will never be applied to
such purposes, unless they are driven to it by neces-.
eity or by authority.

Discussion has likewise led the -public to the-
conclusion, that Slavery is an institution (^
Heaven, that it was expressly authorized and
established by Jehovah himself under the Jewish^
dispensation, and was sanctioned under the Chris-
tian. They are convinced further that it is an in-
stitution from which a thousand blessings flow>
embracing the Negro, the white man at the South^
tjie country generally, and the world. Hence I
think, we are justified in the conclusion that agita«.
tion has been beneficial to the country rather tha^
otherwise ; it has strengthened, instead of weaken*
ing the institution. Such being the result of dis^
K^ussloiif the prospect of aboVvtioiv v^ il<iw mtore dis»

tent than ever. Fn fkct, the abolition of Slavery,-
can never be effected in any community, until
Slavery has ceased to be beneficial to all parties ;
until it wears out. Or, as it has been expressed'
" until it falls into decay." Slaver}' fell into de-.
cay in England, and was in consequence abolished,
and it also fell into decay in our Northern States,
and was lilvcwise abolished. There is, however,
an illusion coimccted with the abolition of Slavery,
in the Northern States, to which it may be as
well to allude. Our Northern friends take great
credit to themselves for abolishing Slavery as;
though they had accomplished some wonderful
work. But is it true that they practicall}' abolished
Slavery? It is true, that most of the old States,
at the North passed laws abolishing Slavery, but
when the time arrived for those laws to take ef-
fect there was no Slavery to abolish. Persons
owning Slaves, with but few exceptions, just as
^oon as the agitation of the subject commenced,
sent them off to the South and sold them — henco
as De TocQUEViLLfj has very justly said, ''though--^
the Northern States have passed laws abolish*-
iiig Slavery, no actual abolition has taken place."

Another fact in connection with Negro Slavery
at the North is, that it could never be made profi-.
t(^ble there. It was very early ascertained thftjt

"^99 A-DSFENCE OT

the climate was Dot adapted to the constitutlon'df
the Negro -whence one of the causes of the great
mortality among the blacks at the North. Nor w
the North adapted to the growth of those products?
in the cultivation of which Slave labor is most profi-
table. From this it appears that cur Northern
friends are entitled to no. particular credit for abol-.
ishing Slavery ; they almost invariably sold their
Negroes, before the law could take effect which
4hcy had passed abolishing Slavery.

But let us now proceed lo other considerations :
there are obstacles to abolition not yet mentioned.
Even if our abolition friends could convince us
that Slavery was an evil that we should get clear
of as soon as possible, ihere would still be sever-
al insuperable obstacles to abolition. Our Slave
population at this time numbers about three milk
ions of souls, cstimr^ted to be worth one thousand
millions of dollars. Tiiis is a vast amount of
propert}^, which no five millions of people in the
world will voluntarily give up for the sake of eon-
' science. But as large as this amount is, it is only
one item : the depreciation in value of our land,
and other property, as the result of abolition,
would equal the value of the Negroes — that is,
one thousand millions of dollars.
Jn a, word, the aboMou of Skvery at the

S(5iith, would impoverish every Slave State in the
Union, with probably one or two exceptions ; an«l
the result would not be much different in the non-
slaveholding States. The South furnishes the /
rarw material to the North, for most of their man ■■- X --
ufactures, and likewise their -only ' customers.
England, France — in fact, the whole world, would
feel the shock of abolition, -As strange as may
seem the assertion, it is nevertheless true, that
most of the navigation, commerce, manufactures,
wealth, and power of the civilized nations of the
world are dependent on the Slave labor of this,
and a few other countries. Abolish Slavery, and
you throw back society into a state of barbarism
— you dry up its resources — the means of its
prosperity — and check civilization for centuries
to come. Without wealth, there can be no civil*
ization — no refinement — no progress: and this
wealth is dependent on the Slave labor in soutln
em countries.

But let us suppose all difficulties overcome,
and Slavery abolished throughout the South. I
will for a moment trace the consequences of such
a step. I will assume a fact which I presume
none will deny : that the Slaves, if emancipated,
would have to remain on this continent, and
among the whites ; as it would be utteiV^ to^osi-

^132 X DBFETTCV OT

sible to remove thenk Thje Negroes would be
too poor to remDve themselves, even if they were-
disposed to leave ; and the whites, impoverished,
CIS they would be, coidd not help them. Siich
being the feet, I will now proceed to state some
of the consequences of abolitiom.

One of the most obvious- of these consequen-
ces would be, an increase of distance between the
two races. Nature- has marked broad lines of
distinction between them, which will ever, in this
country at least, keep them widely separated, and
h must be acknowledged that this is a wise and
salutary provision of nature, to keep the two ra-
ces distinct and separate. It is a principle simi--
iar to that which separates^ the different races of
animals, but operating, of course, with less inten-.
sity. This principle of repulsion, whilst opera-
ting with sufficient force to keep the two races
separate in the Slaveholding States, does not pro-
ceed to that violent extent that it does at the
North, At the North, bitter and deep-rooted pre-
judices exist against" the colored race : whilst
tliere is a legal equality, there is the most striking
Ijractical inequality, in all the departments of life.
The two races are kept apart in every relation of

A- W.^flf then, who wouVd e^eiv \ftm^iwllY ijut

frSalto SLATCTT. 233

y mseir iifon an equality with the Negroes, would
be forever disgraced.

At the South, the black race stands much near-
er the white, than at the North, The tvhite mail
knows that the Negro is not, and never can be
his equal, nor even desires to be. There is not^
then, between the two races, that spirit of jeaK
ousy and rivalry that exists at the North. An
-acknowledged inferior is always treated with more
respect and kindness in his subordinate, depend-
ent position, than when he aspires to an equality*
In the former relation, a kindly paternal feeling is
engendered, which operates as a protection to
the inferior : when, on the contrary, the inferior
aspires to an equality, this kindly, paternal feel-
ing gives way to a feeling of repulsive hate and
jealousy. This accounts for the greater distance
between the two races North, than at the South*
Should Slavery be abolished among us, this re-
pulsive feeling will been gendered to an alarming
extent, that will endanger, at least temporarily
the peace and good order of society. It will be
carried to an extent much beyond what it is at
the North, on account of the very near equality of
numbers between the two races at the South.
The black race at the North may stand a de^^^
' of neglect, contempt, and Yvatxedi^ ^VaOtx^^ ^^wiRk.

f^34 A^DEFB^^B OF

race at the South, if free, would resent with in-
dignation : ibr I take it for granted, ttiat no peo-
l^e in the world can be found, that would submit
cjuietly to be maltreated, if they had the power
to redress their grievances. Tfir blacks at the
Nx)rth are too few in numbers to inn.il: they have
in consequence, with but few excoptions, submit-
ted quietly to aU the indignities which have been
heaped upon them. It would be far otherwiscTit
•the South, where the two races are nearly equal
in numbers : hence maltreatment of the black
race would bo met with resistance, and a state of
turmoil and stiife, the consequences of which
could not be foreseen, would invariably ensue.
Riots, murders, mobs, pillage, and general dis-
contentment and alarm, would be the order of the
day. A strong military force, kept up. at cnor-V^
mous expense, would be necessary to preserve A
the public peace.

The Negroes might even attempt the general
destruction of the white race. Being free, they
could iict in concert from one end of the country
to the other: and though I do not believe that
success would crown their eifoits, they might,
neverlht;less, do nrjch mischief, before their
course could be arrested. There would exist at
^ times, eveu iu tUo abaevico ol qa\*^ ^i^xvl<^^5^

MSGBO HSLATEET. . 285

general feeling of disquietude throughout the coun-
try. At present there is a feeling of the most
perfect security throughout the South : we know
our Negroes, and feel perfectly satisfied that there
is scarcely the shadow of a reason to- apprehend
insurrection. Through the long period of our
hi'^tory, there hare been f^wer disturbances of the
public peace on the part of the Negroes, than from
the working classes of any other country in the
world. Riot after riot has occurred at the Norths
and in England, France, and other countries ; .
whilst at the South, with but few unimportant ex-
ceptions, the .most perfect harmony and good or-
der has been preserved* We have had two or
three partial insurrections, in which a few white
persons have been killed, and these constitute all
the difficulties which we have had with our Ne-
groes, throughout the long period of our iiistory.
B-it other evils would follow emancipation, one
of which is idleness, on the part of the ]jlacks.
It is estimated that the black population of the
world amounts to about one hundred millions of
souls : of this number about sixty millions are in
Africa, and Coriy millions in other countries. Now
of all this la'-ge population, these cannot be found
a sin^rle nation, or tribe, in the possession of free-
dom, thai ar^» industrious, eeoTvo\xvY<i^\"5x\A^^^^^

^Q A BEFSNCS OV

and this is not only the case now, but it has al-
ways been so. The Africans have existed in
their own country as a separate people for thou-
trands of years past, yet not a step have they taken
in civilization — not the slightest advance have
they made in agricultural, mechanical, or manu-
facturing industry. The Negro in Aliica is as ig-
norant as he was thousands of years ago. Other
nations have advanced in a wondertiil manner,
^ even in their immediate vicinity ; hut still they
•have remained stationary; shoeing, in the most
" ibonclusive manner, their inferiority to the Cau-
'casian. If there was not a radical irileriority on
the part of the blacks, there certainly would have
been some evidence to the contra i}, in the long
period of near four thousand years:.

In the island of St. Dcmingu, \\here the Ne-
^rees have been for fifty-odd years, there has
been a constant decline in every bianch of induy*
try. The quantity of sugar exported iicm the isl-
and, before the Negroes gained their independ-
ence, amounted to 163,000,000 \h&. annually.
The quantity now exported, after fiity-five years
of freedom, is scarcely worth naniing: it had
dwindled down almost to nothing. The same is
true, hut not quite to the same extent, with coffee :
Jn a word, evei:y biaiicVx oi 'm.^\x«\\:j \«c& ^^^^:^^a!^

HSGBO BLAVS^T. S37

to an enormous extent : the decline, it is estima-
ted, is as one hundred and fifly compared to fifteen.
As an evidence of the idleness of the Negroes
in St. Domingo, and the vices to which idleness
necessarily leads, I take the following from the
Westminster Review, for October, 1842. The
account was written by an eye-witness of the
scene : r

" On the very night of the earAquake, the ca-
naille of the town began thieving on a small scale,
but it was on the third day that the sack and plun-
der commenced en grand. On that day the coun-
try people flocked in, and for eight or ten success-
ive days it was one continued scene of open, un-
disguised, sword-in-hSnd pillage. No town given
up to a victorious army, was ev^ so thoroughly
gutted. The merchant's stores on the Bord de la
Mer were the most especial objects of spoliation.

Every man was armed, and bloody fights^' wis re

of common occurrence, over the division of. the

spoil, or when a stronger party attempted to wre^t .

the booty from a weaker. Not the slightest efibrt

was made by the authorities to keep order. The

•great hardship is, that soldiers and officers, whb

^should have been our protectors, vied with each

other in the unhbly work of robbing the* wounded

jand the djringi No foreigner, but at m& imminent

risk of his life, could have put a foot on the ruins

of his house, to save even a change of clothes :

to attempt such a thing would have been extreme

«ftol-hardine8s. The robbers .killed eachother in

J6

228 «tf>JDSFENCE OF

and before the stores fot a piece of cotton check.
What, then, could an owner of property and a for-
eigner expect, if he dared to interfere with them?"*

Here we have a picture of a population, start:
ing fifty-five years ago in the race of freedom,
under highly favorable circumstances. They had
acquired habits of industry, and learned to some
extent the arts of Jife, when in a state of Slavery ;
but no sooner Jid, they. commence their career of
freedom, than they coBgpxenced. a rapid decline.
Becoming idle, vicious,* and utterly* reckless, they
soon abandoned their fields, their workshops, and
all other branches of regular industry.

The Negroes have, not done better in the Brit-
ish West India . Islands, where emancipation has
bgien of more recent date. The Negroes have
already becoji^e idle and vicious to an extent that

* HAtyiz-j-yhe* condition of this Negro republic is-
beginriirig to attract attention in England. The wars
between tiie blacks and the Mulattoes are ferocious and
exterminating. The London Times says :

** Military movements, fears, and general agitation,
are fast completing the ruin of the order, such as it
was, that existed under Boyer: agriculture and busi-
ness &re dmoat suspended ; sugar is even imported for
consumpUJii^ into this island that might supply the
world. The intervention of some pol^rful nation is
imperiously called for lo mediate between the colors.
Thciindependence of the east should be acknowledged,
when eaohi party might range itself utider its own co-
yote aa the present state of thinss will cause iC t» retlo-
£rade into worse than Afiicaxi u&x\»Lmm?^

y »

> ' -

VKG&o sLlv^Btr; ' 239

threatens the utter ruih of those fine islands. This

subject has been already mentioned, but I feel

bound to maike the following extradt, which is ta* "

ken from ' a highly respectable and authentic

source. The Jamaica Despatch^ of January 18th,

1$42) respecting the island of Jamaica, says :

" It is our painful duty to apprise our British
readers, that the calamities to which the inhabi.
tants of this unfortunate colony have recently been
subjected, arc not yet brought to an end ; but that
the unavoidable visitation of Heaven, which we
hoped would chasten and subdue unruly spirits^'
has been followed up by acts of turbulence and
popular outrage j concluded by alarming incendia-
ry attempts. This will prove to the government
and people of Great Britain, the jeopardy in which
the peace and prbperty of the Jamaica colonists
have been placed by the unlicensed liberty which
lias been preached and claimed for the newly
ehiancipated people, who consider themselves not
only free to neglect work, but to riot and revel ,
in defiance of the law, and to break the^ peace of '
the city at pleasure."

Other more recent accounts |ilace beyond all
doubt the failure of the British West India scheme
of emancipation. The hundred millions of dol-
lars which the British people have been taxed to
pay for the emancipation of the Negroes in the
British West 'kktia Islands, has been worse than
tHrcwh away. It has destroyed the pros^ritY oC

540 A ssFEKCB or

the finest and most productive islands in the world
— ruined the Negroes themselves, and impover-
ished their former Masters^

But I have some facts In reference to the free
Negroes in the United States. The State of Vir-
ginia contains a free black population of about
iifly thousand souls. The State is large, and con^
tains an abundance of cheap land, which might
t)e purchased and owned by any one possessing
ordinary industry and economy ; yet of the fifty
thousand free blacks, only about two hundred own
land. Here we have a remarkable and most
striking example of a want of care and industry
on the part of the Negroes, when lefl to them-
selves. Most generally, when free, they collect
about the towns and villages, and engage in the
various menial offices : such as blacking shoes,
and other offices of a like nature. They dissi-
pate, spend much of their time in idleness, an4
seem to be utterly destitute of all foresight, and
A;are in reference to the future.

The condition of the free blacks in other parts
of the Union, is no better than it is in the State of
•VirginiartT-in the Northern States it is worse ; they
are poorer, more wretched, and in every respect
in a worse situation than they are in Virginia and
Mhet Siaveholding 8tate«.

irseso SLAYBsr. 241

But there are other consequences which would
flow from emancipation, to which I will now in-
vite the attention of the reader. Emancipation'
would not only lead to idleness on the part of the
blacks, but would be the source of an incalculable
amount of crime, disease, and misery of every
kind.

I have already made quotations from authentic
sources, showing the vast amount of crime in St.
Domingo, and in the British West India Islands,
among the emancipated Negroes. I have like-
wise, in a previous part of this work, noticed the
moral and the social condition of the free Blacks
at the North ; additional remarks will, therefore^
be unnecessary ; at least, to any considerable ex*
tent, on these subjects. Tiie following extract is
from the work of the Rev Dr. Bascom, on the
•ubject of the Methodist controversy. — p. 57.

"The effects of emancipation and the condition
of free Negroes in the United States, are matters
too well known to require proof or illustration
with the well-informed. In Massachusetts, only
one seventy-fourth part of the entire population is
African, and yet one-sixth of all their convicts are
Negroes. In Connecticut, one thirty-fourth are
Negroes, furnishing one -third of all the convicts.
In New York, one-thirty-fiflh, and one fourth oC
the conricta in the city prisons ate &ee "^^i^^^i*.

%42 A BEFEKCS OP

vjti New Jersey, one-thirteenth, furnishing one-thi^
^ of all the prisoners. In Pennsylvania, one thir^-
fcurthj jij^d over one-third of all the convicts Ne-
^ groes. ^ Qpe-fourth of the whole expense connec-
ted with the prison system of the entire North, is^
incurred by crime committed by one-twentieth part
of the population. The same is true with regard
to the pauper expenditures of all the Northern
S5t4l.es. Facts of this kind cai\ never become so
stale, as not to be startling.'^

On the 30th of September 1842,_,th^re were in
the Virginia Penit^nt^ary^ 7^ colored co|iviicts and
129 white. The colored conyietsi^were fu{;nished
from a free black population of 49,642,. ^d^,^thie
129 whites, from a white population of 740,968»
If the white population had been as vicious a» the
black, the number of white convicts in the Peni-
tentiary ought to have been 1,127, instead of 127.

I have already noticed at some length the physi-
eaLconditipn of the free blacks at the North. It
is found from the census, of 1840, that the number
of deaf and dumb, blind, insane, and idiots, among
the free Negroes at the North, are greatly more
numerous, in proportion to population, than amoQg
the Slaves at the South. The black population in
the Slave States in the year 1840, was 2,788,573;
containing 1,737 insane and idiots, being one in
1,605.

" In the free States and Territories, the number
^* of free blacks in 1840 was 170,720, containing
*• 1,189 insane and idiots, ^ being one in every 143,
This shows a vast difference, which must be ac*
' counted for in part upon the ground, that the Ne«
^ gro when free, indulges . a wild excess of vice,
which is totally incompatible with his physical
^ well-being. The Negro is not now, and probably
» -never will be fit for freedom ; he cannot govern,
^Uk) tat^ care, of himself,- and in consequence,
'is the greatest- curse that could be inflic-
him. The question^- whether the Negro
Fer be prepared for freedom may be some-
lifficult to decide. One thing at least is cer-
_^^ he has never yet been prepared, though he
•i has' been known as a distinct people for nearly
foiir thousand years past. At any rate, one thing
K is true, that whether he is ever prepared for free-
dom or not, any sudden emancipation cannot be
otherwise than the source of unmixed evil. If
Slavery is ever to cease in the world, it must be
by a gradual decay ^ in its operation almost imper-
ceptible.

But I am somewhat diverging from the subject :
there is one other consequence that would florw
from emancipation, to which I wish to invite the
i^attenUoa jof the reader fox. afft^ «MffDexi^A« .^^^»a.

mi A DXFBNGI OF

the belief of many well informed persons that the
emancipation of our Negroes would lead to the
destruction of the white population at the South,
and the occupation of the whole country by the
])lacks. This proceeds upon the supposition that
the black population would still continue to in-
crease as at present, which is in a ratio greater
than that of the white. Mr. Casey estimates the
increase of the black population in the States of
Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, Soijth-Caro-
lina, and Georgia, for forty years, that is from 1790 '
to 1830, at the rate of one hundred and 'tW^e
compared to one hundred, whilst the whit5jKjpu%
lation in the same States, during the same jfelKoU,*
has increased only in the proportion of eighty as**
compared to one hundred. • i*

But there is no reason to apprehend that the
black population, if emancipated, would increase
as at present ; the fact would be far otherwise ;
the ultimate extinction of the black race would be
inevitable. The history of the world establishes
one fact beyond all controversy, viz : ihcU two ra-
ces differing in civilization^ and possessing strongly
marked physical, intellectual and moral peculiari'
ties,, cannot exist together andjhurish on the same
continent^ unless the inferior race is in a state of
Skrpery. The superior tace, \>^^^C!w«x ^Et$^T\s&

etiei^y, industry and skill will monopolize the
means of living ; will get a controlling influence in
all the affairs of the country, and the inferior race
will decline in virtue, become idle, profligate and
vicious, and will in consequence contract diseases
which will soon lead ta a decline, and to a final
extinction of the race. Whenever the Indian
race has come m contact with the white, they
have molted away like snow before the sun. The
dncc powerful raoe of savages on this continent,
liave id windled to a handful, and not many ages
will have passed away before every vestige of the
Indian race will ha§e disappeared from our coun-
trjc. Many^tribes have disappeared altogether ;
it is estimated that there were four hundred dif-
ferent tribes on the continent of America' a few
centuries ago, there cannot now be a tenth of that
number.

The present condition of the Sandwich Islands
furnishes a most instructive example. These Is-
lands have been the scene of Missionary labors
for a great number of years ; great efforts have
bieen made to improve the condition of the na-
tives ; schools have been established, and a num-
ber of whites from the United States and other
countries, have devoted their lives to the teaching
of the native population*. XeV TiQWk!dDk&\»D^£:^2^

/allthisv wd" have the 'following picture of their

■* condition from the pen of Dr. Chapin, who re«i-

ded three years and. achalf.on, the Islands asi^a

' Missionary, and who certainly- has no motive for

;. making incorrect statements on the subject.

"Population.'-^ When Capt. Cook visited
: the Sandwich Islands in 1779, the population was
> estimated, and probably with corf ectness, at460y-
000. According to a late census there are now
about 135,000, making a decrease of 270,000 in
, the space of fifty-seven years ; itid it is QO^nputeS
* by the Rev. W. T. Alexander, one of the Missiona-
ries, who has with considerable pains, ascertained
,} the births and deaths of a large section, tliat there
' are annually 6,838 deaths ana 3,335 births on the
group, making more than twice as many deaths as
births. If this be correct, it will not seem in-
. credible, that the population should have so greatly
. diminished, and that too in so short a period. And
it will further appear that not many years will be
required at this rate to depopulate the Islands of
. the native inhabitants."

The author continues :

" Capt. Cook found the Sandwich Islanders
living like all savage people,* in. habits of the great-
est simplicity, seeking only the supply of their
necessary wants, and in a climate requiring so
little clothing, and with a soil producing sponta-
^ neously so many of their articles of consumption,
that but little labor was re(\uisite to ; satisfy every
i desire* They were th.eik \xiiAcc^\!i\A^.V>^!^

v infinite multitude of unnatuiul wants atid practices
which deteriorate mankind in all civilized lands*

• They were a hardy and athletic people. The
process of alcoholic fermentation was indeed well
understood by them, and they could make intoxi-

, eating drinks frpm^ a variety of vegetables, but-

r they had not, used<them in such quantities and so
frequently as to make drunkards of themselves.

~ The o^eason of this, de.vastation must then h%
looked for on the catalogue of changes and inno*
vations introduced from abroad; and to the influence
of visitors from enlightened and civilized countries^
chiefly from England and the United States, are
to be attributed the great alteration in the native
character, and this appalling diminution of their
numbers. Puring the past fifly-seven years, the»
time since their first discovery, we ought, after

, making .every allowance for losses by their wars, to
find the population increased at least one-half.
.But instead of 600,000, there are now only 135,-
000, leaving an actual loss to the nation of 465,-
000 inhabitants, chargeable directly to the cus-
toms and vices carried there from other places."

I must beg leave to make another extract from
this interesting article, which is replete with in-
teresting detail and instruction. Among the cau-
ses which have led to the rapid decline of the na-
tive population of the Sandwiph Inlands, the au-
thor enumerates the following :

" The introduction of alcoholic liquors has pro-
duced its acuston^amo^mX ol N)t«V^^^s!is^%%'«2^

S48 jk MnNCB or

Biiserj, and consigned great numbers to an im*-
timely death.

" The use of tobacco has evidently a deleterious
kiiluence on the natives, whatever may be its ef-
fect on others. In smoking, the natives do not
sit down deliberately and finish a pipe or cigar
but take one or two whiffs, inhaling the full vol-
ume of smfoke directly into the lungs, and retain
it there as long as the breath can well be retain-
ed. Individuals have been killed by its effects,
and how much disease may have beeft induced or
accelerated thereby, remains to be ascertained.

" Tlie large quantities of foreign commodities
earried to the islands, and the increasing inter-
course of the inhabitants with foreigners have
created such an amount of new and superfluous
wants as to destroy their native character, and to
make of them an artificial and degenerate race.

" The introduction of Christianity within the
last few years has created its usual benign influ-
ence ; but the changes of every kind have never-
theless been great and rapid, and the people have
fallen, and are continuing to fall under the effect*
of these changes ; and their end may be read on
tiie same page, which records the fate of the wan-
dering tribes of America. Such must inevitably
be the case, unless a kind Providence greatly
blecs those measures used for their present and
future interest."*

The latest accounts from these islands, as well

as from all the Pacific islands where the attempt

has been made to civilize the nations, increase
the assurance that the time is not distant Avhcn
the native population will be entircly extinct. In
the "Narrative of the United States Exploring
Expedition, during the years 1838, 1839, 1840,
1841, 1842," by Charles Wilkes, U, S. N. com-
mander of the Expcditfon, we are informed that
in all the islands of the Pacific, where efforts have
been made to civilize the natives, a rapid decline
in population has taken place. In some places
it was ascertained even in the best districts on
the islands, and where missionary labors hadbeen
most successful, that the number of deaths to
births was as three to one. In some places the
disproportion was as ten to one ; and this, too, in
the absence of any epidemic disease, and where
infanticide had not been committed for ten years.
The native population of the West Indies is com-
pletely extinct : not a vestige now remains of their
former existence ; and there is now but little doubt
but that in the course of one or two centuries, the
vast population of the East Indies will be extinct.
But the census of 1840 exhibits a decline in
the black population of most of the Northern
States. From 1810 to 1820 the decline in New-
Hampshire was 18-9 pei cent. In Vermont it
was 20-4 per cent. From 1820 to 1830 tiro ^e*

V"

f60 X DEFJBNCJE OF

Ciline lA Vdrmont was 2-4 per cent. In New- '
Hamprfiire, 23-1 per cent From 1830 to 1840,
the decline in Vermont was 17-1 per cent. In
New-Hampshire, it was 11 per cent. In some
few of the States, there has been a slight increase, '*
but this is no doubt owirtg to tun-away Slaves
from the South. In- proof of this, I take from the
Virginian, of January the 10th, 1843, the follow-
ing, derived from the Annual Report of the Vigi-
lance Committee of Abolitionists at Albany :

" They state that they have added about three
hundred and fifty run-away Negroes since the
opening of navigation last spring. Of these fu-
gitives about one hundred and fifty were men, one
hundred afld fifty women, and fifty children."

From all the facts given above, there is but lit-
tle doubt but that emancipation would prove the
ultimate destruction of the black race at the South:
there is no reason to suppose that they would be- ex-
empt from the law of destruction, which has opera-
ted among other of the lower grades of mankind.

I have already proved beyond all doubt or cavil
that idleness, vice, and disease, with all their at-
tendant consequences, would result from emanci-
pation. Such being the &ct, a decline in num.
bers would be the inevitable result. I have but
JitUe hope that the bl\ck, or th^ Indian race, will

NEGKO SLAVERT. 2&1

iSver be civilized to any great extent: they are
radically inferier, and of course can never ris€
above the fixed idw of their being. The extinc-
tion of the Indian race is certain ; and should the
Negro ever escape 'from the condition of Slaverj
in this country, and Should the white man ever fix
himself firmly on the continent of Africa, the ex-
tinction of the Negro race will be equally certain.

And why should we lament such an event ?
The extinction of a tribe, or even a whole people,
is not more to be lamented than the extinction of
one generation to make room for another*. .God,
in his dealings with men, has more regard to uni-
versal humanity^ than to the Well-being of any
particular tribe, nation, or people. Individuals,
nations, and tribes perish, but the race is preser-
Ted, humanity is elevated and improved. Our
pride cannot brook the idea of the total extinction
^f a whole nation, tribe, or race of men : it whis-
pers that our own race may, at socij^' future time,
give way to another, and a more pftweirful people.
But God cares nothing for the pdde of man : he
executes . his purposes regardlels of the whims
and caprices of men, and does that which pro-
motes the highest -good of univeisal humanity.

The world has in reality be«n repeatedly peo-
pled — wave after wave of popidation has passed

S5d A DEFEIfCE OF mSC^RO flLAVEST.

over its surface, ejich successive wave displacing
the one that preceded. If it were otherwise, the
world in a short time would not be large enough
to contain the population : still the number of in-
habitants from age to age remains very nearly
the same. Whilst population is increasing at one
point, it is diminishing at another : so, upon the
whole, the balance of the world is preserved.
For instance, the population of the United States
at this time is doubling itself about every twenty-
two and a half years. Should the same ratio be
preserves for a century, we will have a population
of near five hundred millions. Now as the pop-
ulation of the world always remains about the
same, there must be a corresponding diminution
at some point. This will no doubt take place in
Asia, and in portions of the American continent,
and in some parts of Europe.

There is now scarcely a doubt but that the
Anglo-Saxon race is destined to inhabit the whole
continent of America : they will amalgamate with
the highest of the Castilian blood ; and the low-
er orders, embracing the Indians and mixed
breeds, inhabiting Mexico and the countries south,
will become extinct like the Indians in our own
country.

CHAPTER XI.

DUTIES OF MASTERS.

"Masters, give unto your servants that which'
18 just and equal; knowing that ye also have a
Master in Heaven." CoUossians iv. 1.

"And ye Masters, do the same things unto
them, forbearing threatening ; knowing that your
Master also is in Heaven ; neither is there re-
spect of persons with him." Ephesians, vi. 9.

Before closing this work, it will be proper to
sketch briefly the duties that Masters owe their
fier\'ants. The above texts of Scripture contain
all that is needful on this subject.

1st. blasters are hound to stvpply all tJie necessa"
ry wants of their Slaves, — This is implied in the
apostolic injunction that Masters should render
unto their servants " that which is just and eqtuiU*
As the servant is the property of the Master, and
his whole time is devoted to his service, it is im-
perative on the Master to supply his servants with
an abundance of food and clothing, suitable for
them in their situation as servants. The wants
of the sick, the young, and the aged, should be
4Bpeciaily attended to.

But servants are not only attended when sick,

Jfiit 'their wants are -liberally svx^\\\a^ ^V^wSs^.
17

-K

254.'./. A niBFBNCB or

;•?>

health. My acquaintance among the Slavehold-
ers is extensive : with many of them it is intimate.
Enjoying these opportunities, I have spared no
pains to ascertain how they treat their Slaves;
and the result of the whole is decidedly favorable.

As to food, they are amply supplied : bacon,
pork, beef, corn bread, potatoes, peas, cabbage,
turnips, and many other articles, they receive in
abundance. Many of the planters measure out
weekly the provisions for the Negroes, but others
simply provide them daily with a sufficiency to
supply their wants. I have no acquaintance with
any planter, that fails to supj)ly his Slaves liberal-
ly with food ; there may be individuals of this
class 4 and if so, they should be severely rebuked
by an enlightened community. No man that half
feeds his Ne^jroes, should be countenanced by
the community : on the contrary, he should be
scouted from all decent society. In fact, such is
the case : I have occasionally heard of men that
did not feed v/ell, and I have always heard them
condemned by the community. They are looked
upon as monsters, who are not entitled to the re-
spect and confidence of society. Our country is
becoming too democratic to be swayed by wealth,
in the absence of virtue and intelligence.

2d. Masters are hound to provxcZc suitable hoU'

17E6B0 SLATBBT. 'S55

ses for their Slaves, — This is necessary, not only
as a matter of humanity and Christian duty, but
as a matter of interest ; for by providing suitable
houses for their servants, much expense is often
saved in the way of doctors' bills, and other ex-
penses : even the lives of the Slaves may be pre-
served in this way. From the observations which
I have made, I am induced to think that much
improvement is needed in this particular; and that
it is possible to effect this improvement with but
very little outlay of expense.

I know many planters who provide accommo-
dations, of this sort, for their Slaves, altogether
suita])le; so that the interest of the planter, and
comrt)rt of the Negro, are at once effectually pro-
tected.

It must be acknowledged, however, that a large
majority of our planters arc not as well situated
in this particular as they might be. The Negro
houses in general are too small, too open for com-
fort, and too near the ground for health. A more
comfortable set of cabins would, in the end, be
cheaper than those they have at present. Much
sickness among the Negroes, loss of time, doc-
tors' bills, and other expenses would thereby be
avoided. Besides, humanity should dictate im-
vrovement in this paiticulai', o\a li^e^Q^^ '«x^\».*

' ^56 • A. mimvcK ov-

|Ban beings as we are, and though more inured 4«
hardship than the white race* are nevertheless^
susceptible of receiving impressions firom cold,
and of being inju;ped by the .same causes that afi>
feet the whites.

3d. Masters arehowid not to exact more than a
reasonable amount of service from their Slaves,
1 have before commented upon a peculiarity, ia
the Negro character, viz : an obstinate resistance
to every effort to force Mm to the performance: of
more than a reasonable amount of service. The
Negro is the most obedient Slave in the woi-ld,
and will as readily perform a reasonable service;
but any attempt to force him beyond this, will be
met by obstinate, mulish resistance. The mild,
obedient Slave is converted into the obstinate,
reckless rebel against his Master's authority, fear-
ing nothing, feeling nothing, and caring for nothing*
A knowledge of this trait in the Negro character
has its due influence upon all Slaveholders. They
scarcely ever require of them more than a reasona-
ble service, for they are fully aware, that a contrary
course would result in more trouble and expense
than a little. This accounts for one fact which
has been observed, viz : that Northern men and
toreigners, when they settle among us and become
jSlave jownetSf are the very vjox^\.'^^^\»t^ vcLti\eL

airhole country. They always improve, howevfei^
after a • few years experience, for self-interests^
-^without taking humanity into the account, woi^cl
lead to such a result.

From, the above facts, it is evident that our
Slaves are not often ove*- worked, though it may
loccasionally happen.

Let every planter, however, fee careful not ta
demand more service from his Slaves than what
is reasonable and just. This amount of labor
will be- performed cheerfully; even coiTection for
failure to perform this reasonable service, will bo
submitted to without murmuring, butany thing-be j.
yond will be obstinately resisted.

4th. Masters are required to govern their Slaves
with dignity and mildness, but with injlexible frtw
uess. A passionate, ill-tempcrcd man, not being
able to govern himself, cannot of Course be -eXr
pected to govern others. Such persons are unfit
to govern any one ; they alw ays govern their
families badly, and their Negiocs are always tur-
bulent, disobedient, and unruiy. . The passions of
•the Master arouse the passions of the Slave ; this
takes place on the principle of sympathy, a law of
our nature which is now well understood. A
Master, to command obedience, must be calin>
^TW, and dignified ; he should uqn^x m m^ ^%9^>

!256 A DEFENCE OF

allow his orders to be disobeyed, but to insure thi«
the more effectually, and to preserve his tfuthority,
he should never command his Slaves to do what
is unreasonable. His orders should be reas(tna-
ble but rigidly excciited. Slaves will become much
attached to a Master that governs in this manner.

5th. Masters arc rconired fo ailen'1 to the moral
condition of llicir Slaves, Duty and interest both
dictate this; a moral upright Slave is much more
'mlua])lc than an immoral one. Slaves should be
kept from the use of intoxicating drinks ; at least,
they should always 1)0 corrected when th^y indulge
to excess. But this if. a point that blasters are
not backv/ard in attoiidiiig U); they generally keep
a strict watch ovor iheir Slaves in this particular,
for they arc well av. arc that a drunken Slave is
almost worthies.?. I have known a few drunken
Slaves, and only a few; and they were almost
worthless to their ^Ma^tcrs.

But Masters are bound not only to keep their
Slaves from drinl:, but from all other vices that
could injure them intellectually, morally, or physi-
cally. This they are bound to do, as a matter of
duty, but they will fmd liliewise, their interest
greatly subserved thereby.

But Aeads of families should not only keep their
Slaves from vicious \ndu\^eTVQ,e», "WvSJtift^ ^wj^Al

NSaSO flLAYJBBT* ^ 269^

in^ari to them such moral instruction as they are
capable of receiving. Reading is not the onlj
method of gaining knowledge. Much useful
knowledge is acquired by listening to oral instrue- .
tion, either in the form of public lectures or in
private conversation. Those methods may, there-
fore, be adopted to impart useful moral instruction
to the Ncgnjcs.

I do not wish to Ijc understood as maintaining
that our Slaves are more iinmonil than such people
, generally are; tar from it, 1 believe ou the con-
ti*arv, that taken as a bodv, th^'v are the most moral
peasantry in the world. rio:n ail the accounts
wc have of the p?a<anlry o'C iilngland, their moral
condition is greatly below tliat of our Slaves. On©
reason of this is, that their ?rla.sJers enioy the ])ene-
fits of Slaverv, without iis re>j):>uslhijities, and its
humanities. They take n-j cn;( of the n^oral9 of
the laborers, for labor being abundant they haVo
no direct interest in so doing. The peasantry,
therefore, almost run wild, beeome intemperate,
and indulge in a thousand other vices that our
Negroes, owing to our striet family discipline,
growing out of interest and duty, have not the right
to indulge in.

6th. Masters are required to all end to the relU
gmi9 condition of their Slaves. By this I mean^

4B0^ a DBVnM OF liBGKO SHAYBET.

dilU they should allow thom every facility for at' -
tending Divine service. I know of no Master -
that -neglects this duty; our Negrdes all enjoy
ftfoplc privileges in this particular, as far as my -
kfiowledgo extonds. Most of our Negroes have
the privilege of attending preaching once or twice .
arweek ; and besides, they hojd religious meetings
of their own as often as they wish. Among the '
3,000,000 of Negroes at the South there are
probably not loss Ihatl 000,000 communicants.
Most of these are orderly, correct members of tha •
Church, and have in reality, more earnestness and
zeal than the whites themselves. I know several :
Negroes that possess a degree of piety that but
tew white people can ever expect to equal.

THE END.

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